Regional Studies in LDS History: Arizona
by Various authors
Contents

vArizona Symposium: 1986
Introduction

vThe major subjects of Mormon history have been two: Church leaders, and pioneers. Until recently little has been said about the Mormon influence in the settlement of the West outside the areas of original colonization on the Wasatch Front. The fact that Church leaders directed settlement of the Great Basin to the north and to the south has been largely neglected by historians until recent years.

vThe sacrifices made by those called by Church leaders to give up existing comforts and begin anew are some of the most poignant stories of the West. Such were the challenges faced by those who explored and pioneered Arizona.

vThe first excursions into Arizona were made by Jacob Hamblin, who had been assigned to the Santa Clara mission in Southwestern Utah in 1854. 1 During the late 1850s and early 1860s Hamblin visited the Navajo and Hopi Indians, attempting to preach the Gospel to them. Largely unsuccessful, these early efforts acquainted him with the Indian people, their customs and legends, and familiarized him with the land. He gained access to Arizona by establishing a ferry at the mouth of the Paria River in 1864.

vThe Mormons also used other crossings as they sought to settle Arizona. Two major crossings were El vade de Los Padres (Crossing of the Fathers, or Ute Ford), first used by Atanasio Dominguez and Felix Velez de Escalante in 1776; and Lee's Ferry, established at Lonely Dell in 1872.

v - viIn the early 1870s President Brigham Young commissioned Horton D. Haight to explore what later became Arizona, to see if settlements could be made in that part of the Great Basin. In 1873 Haight reported to Church leaders that the region was unfit for settlement. However, in October 1875, Brigham Young commissioned a second expedition, under the leadership of James S. Brown, to reevaluate Haight's experience. Brown reported that settlements could be made. In 1876 he and others returned and made the first colonizing efforts along the Little Colorado River. Allen's Camp (later St. Joseph, or Joseph City), Sunset, Obed, Woodruff, and Snowflake resulted from these first efforts. While Sunset, Brigham City, and Obed proved to be temporary, the other settlements still exist today.

viIn 1877, Lehi and Mesa were settled along the Salt River, and expeditions were sent south along the Mexican border, where communities such as St. David were laid out in the 1880s on the San Pedro River. Further exploration and colonizing efforts were made along the Gila River to the east: Thatcher, Pima, Layton, Eden, and Matthewsville became settlements.

viFrom these settlements, further expansion was launched into Old Mexico in 1885: Mormon colonies became established in the Mexican states of Sonora and Chihuahua. During the Mexican revolution that occurred shortly after the turn of the century, the Arizona settlements. became a haven for Mormon refugees who fled to the United States. While some returned and reestablished themselves in Chihuahua, others left Mexico forever and sealed in the Mormon settlements in Southern and South-eastern Arizona.

viEven though the papers included in this collection do not cover completely the Mormon experience in Arizona, they open the door to more in-depth studies. The use of diaries, letters and journals as well as the accumulation of secondary sources enlivens the subjects.

viThree main themes surface in the papers presented: first, the terrible struggle to maintain life in the desert; second, the commitment by the original settlers to take the gospel to the Indians; and third, their personal desire to maintain the faith through obedience to Church leaders.

vi - viiThe papers in this study attest to the legacy the colonizers left for their descendants. Keith Perkin's paper, "A Personal Odyssey," has been placed first because it captures the major' themes and the legacy, thus serving as an excellent introduction to this study of Arizona history.

viiMembers of the committee who organized the tour and the symposium presented at Show Low, and made this publication possible, are Melvin J. Peterson, chairman, H. Dean Garrett, David F. Boone and Clark V. Johnson. Our special thanks to the Department of Church History, Religious Education and Brigham Young University for providing the research opportunity as well as the on-site study experience.

The Editors:
H. Dean Garrett
Clark V. Johnson

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A Personal Odyssey

Keith W. Perkins

1 The Odyssey Begins

1 This is an odyssey of a boy, a boy with his roots in the desert and pines of Arizona, and his adult life in the top of the mountains in Utah. Because this man can never forget his roots, this presentation is a tribute to his ancestors.

1 In our journey through the Church history sites in Arizona we traveled to Willow Springs, and there we saw the inscription of his ancestors and the quote from Ps. 107:8: "Oh that men would praise the Lord for his goodness, and for his wonderful works."

1 We have been to Safford where his grandfather and grandmother Reed raised their children, he a respected judge and she a beloved neighbor and a faithful Saint.

1 We stopped at San Pedro and thought of the faith of the Mormon Battalion. It was here that his third great grandfather, Levi Ward Hancock, wrote a poem about the only battle of the Battalion, "The Bull Fight on the San Pedro." Levi was Chaplain and the only General Authority in the Mormon Battalion.

1 At Saint David, we stopped where his great grandfather and his brothers were struck with malaria. Here we also stood by Grandma Goodman's store, his great grandmother.

1 Now we are in the Mezona Motel in Mesa, Arizona. Here his ancestors first settled, and his second great grandfather was the first president of the group in the Salt River Valley. Here he and his beloved, Vella, courted on the dance floor of the old Mezona hall that once stood on this site; and here his parents met for the first time.

1 - 2Here his grandmother Perkins' beloved Reuben built their home on dedicated ground in the shadows of the Arizona Temple. He remembers his grandmother's patriarchal blessing, which promised her in the cold of northern Arizona, that one day she would sit under her own vine and fig tree. I'm sure most took that figuratively. Grandmother never did, and if that home were still standing, you would see that she sat under her own vine and fig tree in a literal sense.

2 Here in Mesa, he was blessed, baptized, and confirmed, and received the Aaronic and Melchizedek priesthoods. Here he sat in a service station, a block away from the Mesa Temple, reading completely for the first time the Book of Mormon, between customers. As he finished the reading of that sacred book, he remembers vividly closing the book and waiting for his testimony to come. A day went by, two, a week-still no testimony. A month went by, and he realized something must be wrong. He suddenly felt as he reread Moro. 10:4 there was the answer to his prayer. He knew something was wrong with him! At first he felt he had lived up to the promise contained in that verse. "And when ye shall receive these things, I would exhort you to ask God, the Eternal Father, in the name of Christ, if these things are not true;…" He had done that. "…with real intent, having faith in Christ-" He stopped, and the words "with real intent" sunk deep into his soul. He realized that what that passage meant was that he had to want to know the Book of Mormon was true more than he wanted even life itself. He still remembers sitting at that desk in his dirty service station clothes as the testimony came and the spirit bore record of the truthfulness of the Book of Mormon.

2 He went on his first mission one summer to Ray and Superior, Arizona, two mining towns, on a full-time stake mission, this because of the Korean War. It appeared missionaries might never go on full-time two-year missions. Here in Arizona he witnessed his first baptisms.

2 - 3Here he left and returned from his two-year mission, and graduated from college, a decision that brought him where he is today. Yes, his roots are deep in the alkaline soil of Arizona; and his roots, like a thirsty plant, reach deep into that soil as he has grown to manhood with a love for the Lord, for the prophets, and for his ancestors.

3 Lehi Company

3 Those roots began, of course, with the settlement of the Saints in Arizona. It began because of the great promise made in the Book of Mormon to the Lamanites, a promise that the gospel and the Book of Mormon would one day come to them (Enos 1:3; Alma 9:17; 37:19; Moro. 1:4). It began in Mesa with Daniel Webster Jones, who was later called by the Prophet Brigham Young to settle in this area.

3 Dan Jones first came to the Salt River Valley as a missionary on the way to Mexico. His party passed through the Salt River Valley in Arizona, and as he saw this beautiful valley, he hoped that one day he would come back. His description of the Valley sounds like a modern travel agent:

3 Now there opened before us a sight truly lovely. A fertile looking soil and miles of level plains. In the distance the green cottonwood trees; and what made the country look very real, was the thrifty little settlement of Phoenix, with its streets already planted with shade trees, for miles. 1

3 When finally he was called as a colonizer to Arizona, he had a good idea of where he wanted to settle.

3 - 4Following his return from his mission to Mexico, Dan Jones was asked by Brigham Young to select a few families. President Young also charged him to take these families South, and start a settlement. This was typical of many such colonizing missions, the reason Brigham Young is known as a great colonizer. In response to Brigham's question if he would go, Dan replied in the affirmative. "Whom would you like to go with you," asked President Young? "I want the settling to stick, and not fail." President Young obviously had in mind the first settlement to Arizona in 1873, which had gone to "Arizona and busted." 2 This must not happen in Central Arizona. Brigham was not only amused by Dan's reply but he must have been pleased when Dan said, "Give me men with large families and small means, so that when we get there they will be too poor to come back, and we will have to stay." 3 Brigham Young's confidence in this man was obviously well founded. Here was a proven pioneer, one of those frontier giants that could make a desert blossom as a rose. However, Dan was not eager to take the lead of this colonizing mission; he was afraid one of his weaknesses might have a dilatory effect on the mission: "One fault I have always had, and with all my experience in life it still hangs to me, that is, anything that is clear to my understanding to be right I naturally think others ought to see the same." 4

4 Feeling discouraged, he wrote to President Young asking him to appoint someone else; but the Prophet paid no attention to his protestation and again asked him to take the lead:

4 On visiting Brother Young, he said he wanted me to go ahead; that an angel could not please everybody. And added: "You know how to travel, how to take care of teams. You are better acquainted with the roads, the country, the natives and their language, and are better prepared to take charge of a company than anyone I know of. Go ahead and do the best you can. When you get things started we can send some `good' man to take your place, and you can go on and open up more new country. This is your mission." 5

4 As the Lehi Company began to load in St. George, Dan became concerned at the number of heavy items the Saints were loading into their wagons-stoves, sewing machines, and other such "luxuries." Dan Jones once again asked counsel of Brigham Young, whose counsel was interesting and practical. He told Dan not to do anything by direct counsel, but simply to take them through a sandy wash on the way to Santa Clara. After traveling a few miles through the sand, they would soon see the requirement of "lightening up." 6 In addition, the people in Santa Clara were individuals of some means who could afford to buy the goods they would then want to sell. This would be much better than to have to drop them off on the way.

4 - 5Just as the Prophet had predicted, by the time they arrived in Santa Clara, the Saints were not only willing but eager to "lighten up." One wonders at the thoughts that went through these women's minds as they traded their precious stoves, sewing machines, and other items of furniture for grain, dried fruit, and money. How many years would pass before they acquired such "luxuries" again? Leaving behind these few reminders of their homes in Utah and Idaho must have caused many tears to be shed, but the harsh realities of pioneering required such sacrifices. In addition, they could not help but remember the admonition of the Savior: "Where your treasure is there is your heart also" (Matt. 6:21). So with the sacrifices made, they bade farewell to Brigham Young, who had accompanied them from St. George to Santa Clara. Little did they realize when they said goodby to this man they loved that they would never see him again in this life, for in seven months he would be dead. Then after lightening their wagons on Saturday, 20 January 1877 they left Santa Clara on the forty-nine day journey to the Salt River Valley, arriving in their new settlement on 6 March 6 1877. 7 The settlement was first called Ft. Utah or Utahville, then Jonesville, and finally Lehi. 8

5The following are a set of rules that were given to the Jones company in a letter to them from Brigham Young after their arrival in the Salt River Valley.

5We have not special counsel to give you or your company at present, only to live so as to retain within you the Spirit of the Lord, that it may be to you a present helper in every time of need, and a guide that can be called upon on all occasions. Be prudent in all the measures you enter into; economical with your time and supplies; be just one towards another, and kind and friendly with all men; do your utmost by precept and example to win the hearts of the Lamanites, and ever use the influence you acquire over them for good, for their salvation and education in the arts of peace and industry. In this course the blessing of the Lord will be with you, and you shall be established in peace, and prosperity shall attend your efforts to build up God's kingdom. 9

5 - 6Mesa Company

5 - 6The second group of Saints to come to Central Arizona was the Mesa company, named for their future settlement of Mesa, Arizona. Unlike the Lehi company, who had gathered in and left from St. George, Utah this group of pioneers gathered from many parts of Idaho and Utah. The initial group departed Paris, in the Bear Lake region of Southeast Idaho, on 14 September 1877, picking up additional pioneers as they worked their way South through Utah.

6In their preparation for the journey, they benefited from the experience of the initial Lehi group. Daniel Webster Jones had written a letter, "for the benefit of persons desiring to come to this county." He then gave them a informative list of what to bring:

6first faith in the work, full determination to work in the United Order diligently and without reserve, and a good store of patience. When these are ready on hand, if pecuniarily able, have a light wagon…with two span of good animals for each four in family. The loading should be bedding, clothing, provisions for 3 months and any light valuable household goods on hand. Large cook stoves or furniture will not pay to haul. Mechanics should bring their own tools. 10

6Several of these earlier settlers predicted that one day these small settlements would be a flourishing city. I've often wondered what they might think if they looked down today on the city of Mesa and saw this little quiet area they drove over now inhabited by over 200,000 people. I am certain they little dreamed their small beginning would bring such a result.

6 - 7Perkins Company

6 - 7The next group to come to the valley of the Salt River was the Perkins company, Most of whom had joined the Church in Ramus, Illinois, originally called Perkinsville, since they were the original settlers. They came West in 1848 with William G. Perkins as captain of one hundred under Brigham Young. 11 They settled in Bountiful, planted fruit trees, and began to settle down for the rest of their lives. That all changed with a call from the Prophet, Brigham Young. The Perkins group arrived in the Salt River Valley on 7 March 1878, led by my third great-grandfather, Jesse Nelson Perkins, and his large family of boys and one girl.

7The experience of this company was typical of most of the early settlers that came to Arizona. When the call came for them to move to Arizona, they were given their choice of the location they wanted to settle in, but Brigham Young explained to them that the Salt River Valley might be a good location for them to colonize. They were told, however, that each colony in Arizona was good and "would contribute to the building up of the Church." 12

7The Perkins family spent the summer of 1877 in getting things settled up to make the move from Hillsdale, Utah to the Salt River Valley. Since Brigham Young had died August 29, 1877 the administrators of his estate, George Q. Cannon, Brigham Young Jr., and Albert Carrington, settled with the Perkins family for their property. Brigham Perkins stated it was an adequate price in money and goods from the Beaver Woolen Mills and livestock from Pipe Springs, Arizona. They were forced to trade their "little band" of sheep for supplies, knowing they would have "to do the best we knew how under the circumstances." 13

7Obedience to a call from the Prophet of God is not always easy and without hardships. Not all respond favorable to such calls. So it was with the Perkins family. Brigham Young Perkins said that six of the family that came to Hillsdale, Utah did not go on to Arizona; one was his father's second wife, another was his own wife, whom he had married the day he left on his first mission to Arizona on April 14, 1873. Finally two children born to Jesse Nelson Perkins' second wife also stayed in Utah. 14 To my knowledge, not one of these Perkins brothers remarried. What a price to pay for following a prophet!

7 - 8Brigham Perkins felt they were outfitted pretty well, with three large tents, seven wagons, saddles, and forty-five head of "good young stock," for a total of sixty-two head of livestock. His younger brother and my great-grandfather was not as optimistic about their condition. In his diary he explains that they were forced to lay over on 24 November 1877, before continuing their Arizona trip, because they had been unsuccessful in obtaining additional oxen. Finally they traded a new Champion reaper and combine for one yoke of oxen and a four-year-old steer. 15

8After arriving in Johnson, just east of Kanab, they were delayed several weeks while they did temple work in the St. George Temple. It would be many years before they would be close to a temple; thus the great desire to work in their own behalf and for their dead. Arriving back in Johnson, they resumed the journey south on 20 December 1877. Arriving at Lee's Ferry on December 30th they lay over night and then began crossing the Colorado River the next day. Obviously they were short of money, for they swam many of their animals across rather than paying for the ferry. On 9 January 1878 they had made their way to Willow Springs, where they lay over for several days, feeding and watering their stock. This was when most of the family carved their names in the rocks, and Reuben Josiah carved the reoccurring message in Ps. 107. Traveling this time of year in Northern Arizona, they experienced some very cold weather, as described by Reuben:

8Feb. 13; We got off early this morning. It soon commenced to snow and in half an hour you could not see one hundred yards, but we followed the road by blazed trees. After we had traveled five miles to Stone man's Lake, the snow was only about a foot deep. At dark it is snowing and drifting terribly. 16

8Despite these difficulties, the family recounts how their hens, that they kept in coops in the back of their wagons, laid eggs for the family all the way, and their cows had calves as they came through these terrible snowstorms.

8 - 9On arrival in the Salt River Valley, they immediately began working with the other two companies to reclaim the dry but fertile soil. Prospects looked bright for them, with an abundance of good land and water. They purchased water right from Dan Jones on the Jonesville ditch and also purchased a town lot from him in Lehi. They planted the peach trees they brought from Utah, along with wheat, melons and other vegetables, on 320 acres. Disappointed in their attempts to get a clear title to the land, they decided to move up on the mesa.

9Division in the Camps

9Although the prospects looked good in their new location, they were once again disappointed when they realized that the Salt River Valley was not a good place to feed loose stock. The decision was made to scout out the area on the San Pedro River. Here, a short time before, almost half of the Saints in the Lehi-Mesa area had moved when problems arose between them and Dan Jones. Dan's voiced concern to Brigham Young about the problems his persistance would cause became a reality, and thus the group moved on. 17 However, on closer examination we learn that there was more to the story that just a conflict of personalities. In addition to a personality conflict, we realize two other events caused the division of the community. First, Dan Jones was a more zealous missionary to the Lamanites than many of the other Lehi Saints were, and this caused some problems. When some of the Indians showed an interest in farming with them, Jones was elated, but he found others of the colony less than enthusiastic. Once again his impatience was his undoing:

9I made the mistake of jumping at the conclusion that I would have to go ahead whether I was backed up or not. I learned afterwards that if I had been more patient and faithful that I would have had more help, but at the time I acted according to the best light I had and determined to stick to the Indians. 18

9He records that this conflict over the Lamanites resulted in "most of the company" leaving and going to the future settlement of St. David, named after David W. Patten, under the leadership of Philemon Merrill.

9In reality, it was not most of the company, since 50 of the original 84 pioneers to Lehi remained. 19

9 - 10The third reason for the division of the two groups goes back to some council from Brigham Young. Even before Philemon Merrill had written to Brigham Young, asking for permission to settle near the San Pedro River in Southern Arizona, Brigham Young had sent a letter to Dan Jones encouraging settling in this same area:

10We should like to know what your intentions are with regard to settling the region for which you originally started. We do not deem it prudent for you to break up your present location, but possibly next fall you will find it consistent to continue your journey with a portion of those who are now with you, while others will come and occupy the places vacated by you. 20

10He reminded Dan that he did not desire them to be in a hurry to move to the San Pedro, but "we regard it as one of the spots where the Saints will, sooner or later, gather to build up Zion, and we feel the sooner the better." 21 With this encouragement, it was decided that Brother Merrill would take a group that would like to go with him; they would establish the future city of St. David.

10As a result, we find some of the Perkins boys on the San Pedro and the family feeling this was a better place to run their stock, they drove their livestock to this southern Arizona settlement. However, once again they were disappointed in finding a permanent place to settle. The 24th of July 1878 found the Perkins boys, along with most of the community of St. David, spending the anniversary of the 1847 pioneers' arrival in the Salt Lake Valley. They had contacted malaria. Years later my grandmother related to her sister-in-law, Rhoda Wakefield, while in the Arizona Temple, the following about the tender care the Perkins boys received in St. David: "There is Aunt Esther Merrill who cared for your father and uncles while sick on the San Pedro." Sister Merrill told how these "were the sickest boys, but Oh, they were the nicest boys! I was a young woman with one baby, but I took the boys in and cared for them the best I could." 22

10 - 11Arriving back in Mesa, still sick from malaria, the Perkins family attended a meeting with Elder Erastus Snow of the Quorum of the Twelve, who was visiting the Arizona settlements. It was at this meeting that my great-great grandfather, Jesse Nelson Perkins, was sustained as the president of the group in the Mesa-Lehi area. When Elder Snow arrived he found four different camps in the Valley: the Lehi group at Ft. Utah, the Mesa group, the Charles Crismon camp, and finally the Jesse Nelson Perkins camp. It was at the Perkins camp that Elder Snow began to reconcile the various groups and straighten out some problems they had with living the United Order. It was also at this meeting that President Perkins was called to lead this group of Saints. Dan Jones son, Dan P. Jones, wrote later that the reason Jesse Perkins was selected was because "Brother Perkins had no part in any of the controversies." 23

11Although his selection as the head of the group of Saints seemed to please most everyone, the same cannot be said for some of his own family, especially my great-grandfather, Reuben, when he thought how sick they were from malaria. "When I heard Elder Snow set Father apart to preside over the Saints in the Valley, although a grown man at the time, I actually shed tears and felt I could not stay in that condition any longer." 24

11Although he had accepted the position, Jesse explained to Elder Snow that since his family was so sick, he had planned moving to a higher altitude in hopes this would improve their health. Elder Snow explained that if that became necessary, he was free to go; Jesse's two counselors, Henry C. Rogers of the Lehi group and George Sirrine of the Mesa company, in charge until another organization could be made. Jesse presided in the Valley for about three months when they moved to Taylor, in northeast Arizona. 25

11Brigham Young Perkins summarized their brief stay in the Salt River Valley in these words:

11We had made many friends there, especially among the Indians. After having been on Salt River for something over eight months, we sold out our interests in Mesa to the Sirrine brothers, and gave our two quarter sections of land under the Jonesville ditch to the Indians, who still own the same, having been supported in their claim by the government. 26

12Perkins' Family Moves to Northern Arizona

12Having received permission to move from Mesa, they once again loaded up their wagons, gathered up their livestock, and journeyed to the newly formed community of Walker, that later became Taylor. Although they had many discouraging experiences, Brigham Perkins remained optimistic:

12We felt that although we had left a fine company, we might find a better one for us under the circumstances and that the providences of the Lord were attending us. Our faith in the Gospel had not been affected by all we had been through and we felt that all would be well in the end. 27

12My second great-grandfather, Jesse N. Perkins, became the postmaster at Taylor; and his son John H. Perkins became the mail carrier. John made frequent runs to Holbrook. At Holbrook he picked up the mail and took it to the various settlements, ending up at Taylor. One night he stopped over in Holbrook, and for some strange reason the landlady forgot to tell him a few days before a man had died in the bed he had spent the night in from smallpox. John H. returned to Taylor, to what fate he did not know, since he had never had small pox. They held a family council to decide the course they would take. The decision was simple. Rhoda, the mother, took the rest of the children and moved across the street. Dad, Jesse Nelson Perkins Sr., took care of their son. Soon John contracted smallpox. Jesse cared for his son the best he could. Mother and father visited frequently, but never came closer than across the street. She brought supplies and medicines to her side of the road and carried information from her husband to the family. John grew steadily worse and finally passed away. Jesse, with the help of a friend, Joseph C. Kay, who had survived smallpox previously, took care of John's final arrangements and burial.

12 - 13Now the father, Jesse Perkins, Sr., became ill with smallpox and the only one who dared care for him was Joe Kay. Joe did the best he could for his friend, but after the disease had run its course, Joe Kay had to bury Jesse. The house was fumigated before the family moved back in; everything that could have been contaminated was destroyed. They even threw bolts of hard to get cloth down in a dry well with the other discarded things and set fire to them, because they feared they might be contaminated.

13How do you measure the devotion of this father? Or this pioneer mother? Each chose the role that was most important to the welfare of their family. How do you measure a friend? When Joe Kay became ill for the last time, the Perkins family remembered the service he had given their family in their hour of need and were honored to have the privilege to return the kindness extended them. 28

13Summary

13At what price was Arizona settled? Many times as I have gone through this history, the word commitment jumps out at me. Yes, we have had some curious thoughts about some of the strange actions of these frontier people who came to Arizona. I'm sure I've had some misgivings about Dan Jones' opinionated nature that made it necessary to select Jesse Perkins the president of the group in the Mesa-Lehi area, because he was wasn't involved in the contentions. But how do you measure such men?

13I think too often we look at their weakness instead of looking at their strengths. I hope that from this we have learned to appreciate these giants of men. There is a written as well as an unwritten history in Arizona for most of us who do not fully appreciate what others have done, that we might be where we are today. It is my hope and my prayer that we will never be the same after this experience. I don't think a person can ever teach Church history again without talking about the commitment of those who went to the outer settlements. Too often as we teach the last half of Church history, we teach Utah history as it centers around the center of the Church, but many great things that were happening in many other places.

13 - 14I reviewed one of these settlements; in the future we may visit others: California, Idaho, Wyoming. All have their own stories. Many of our students from Arizona have tremendous faith. But one finds the same testimonies in the colonies in Mexico. Many Church leaders throughout the country are from the colonies in Mexico. What is the reason you see this in their descendants today? Because the price their ancestors paid was so great and they are carrying on that which they have received from them!

14I hope that each of us will be proud of our own heritage. Most in the Church do not have this pioneer heritage in a literal sense. Most are converts. But they too, in reality, have this heritage because they are members of the Church. They are pioneers in their own right. One day that story will also be told.

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Events at Lee's Ferry, or Lonely Dell, 1864-1928

by A. Gary Anderson

17Early Crossings

17The key to Mormon colonization in Arizona was a way to cross the Colorado River. The Grand Canyon, a mile deep and two hundred miles long, separated southern Arizona from the early Utah Mormon settlements.

17As far as we know, the first white men to record crossing the Colorado River in this area were Father Escalante and his group, who came into the area in 1776. They followed the age-old Ute trail to the river, crossing some thirty miles above the mouth of the Paria at what was called "The Crossing of the Fathers." 1 Here also Jacob Hamblin made his first ford in 1858, the same trail he followed many times thereafter. Although Hamblin had been at the mouth of the Paria 2 (later Lee's Ferry) in 1858, the first crossing of the river was made in the fall of 1860 by a portion of a party headed by Hamblin. A raft was constructed, on which a few were taken across, but after one animal drowned, it could be clearly seen that the dangers were too great. Them being no southern outlet, the party made its way up the river to the ford. The first successful crossing at the Paria was by Hamblin in March 1864 on a raft. Traveling down the stream in 1869, the Powell party stopped at Lee's Ferry and made it a supply point on later trips. 3 It was in December 1876 that Harrison Pearce established a regular ferry below the Grand Cany. on; hence, today the place bears the name of Pearce's Ferry. 4

18In March 1864 Erastus Snow sent Jacob Hamblin and other missionaries to the Moqui villages to find some stolen horses and to persuade two natives to return with the missionaries to learn the trades of smithing and woodwork. Theirs was the first Mormon group to cross the Colorado at Lee' s Ferry. They crossed on a raft on 22 March 1864. They arrived at the Moqui village of Offbe, amazed to see such a civilized tribe of Indians. The missionaries failed to retrieve any horses or to persuade any Indians to return with them. Their Moqui forefathers had warned the tribe never to cross the Colorado to the north and had promised them that if they would adhere to that injunction, they would be blessed. 5

18 Jacob Hamblin desired to return to these same Moqui villages in the fall of 1864. Brother Isaac Riddle accompanied him on this mission and recorded that

18it was in the fall of 1864 that Jacob Hamblin and myself and six others undertook to perform a mission to (the Moquis) to preach to them the principles of the Gospel. It was on this trip that we had another evidence of God with us. We crossed the Colorado River on a raft at the point where Lee's Ferry was later constructed, and struck across the country on the Old Ute trail. But it had been a dry season and we passed first one empty water hole and then another until it looked as if there was no water in the country at all. 6

18Thanks to a previous visit to the area, the missionaries knew that, when they reached the big rock water tank, in the country of Spaneshank, they would have plenty of water. But when they located this "natural tank," they found that it too was empty. Worse, they knew that there was no water on the trail for a distance of fifty miles. 7 Continuing his narrative, Riddle wrote:

18 - 19Hamblin asked me if I thought I could find the spring where Old Spaneshank was camped the time we first met him. I was not sure, but I said I would try, and leaving the company, I climbed up a high, steep mountain which the trail skirted, telling the boys to go on and I would from the top get our course and meet them on the farther side. It was difficult climbing, but by dint and much hard work, crawling part of the time on my hands and knees, I reached the summit. And then when I looked over, lo! there before me, almost within arm's reach, lay a clear pool of rain water. I took a drink of it, and a little farther on discovered two larger pools, sufficient for the whole company and all our horses. The descent from the other side was easy, and we found that we could lead the horses up to the larger pool. And when we drunk our fill, and attended to our horses we knelt down and returned thanks to God for our deliverance. 8

19Finding water made the journey to the Moqui village easier. Once at the settlement, the brethren established themselves with the Moquis for the winter. According to Riddle they sought to help the Indians and to teach them thee gospel. 9

19 Jacob Hamblin crossed the Colorado at Lee's Ferry again in October 1870, at the request of Major Powell and with Indian leaders at Ft. Defiance, New Mexico, to establish a peace treaty with the Navajos. He recorded:

19We packed lumber on mules over the Kaibab, or Buckskin Mountain, to. the crossing of the Colorado, now known as Lees Ferry. With this we constructed a small boat, in which we conveyed our luggage across. Our animals crossed over by swimming.

19We traveled at night most of the way, to preserve our animals from the Indians. We visited all the Moquis towns, seven in number, and had a most interesting talk with the people. 10

19Hence this crossing on the Colorado River was not unknown when John D. Lee arrived, nor was the idea of a ferry new, but Lee was first to bring wagons and open the way to wagon travel into Arizona. In his journal entry for 15 [16] November 1871, Lee recorded a private conversation with Jacob Hamblin concerning a settlement at the crossing on the Colorado River. 11 Hamblin told Lee that "many good ranches" could be established there and encouraged Lee to settle at the crossing. 12

19 - 20The John D. Lee Family in the Lonely Dell

19 - 20Following Hamblin's advice, Lee, his wife Emma, and their four young children (a fifth would be born within a month), arrived at the crossing on 21 December 1871. They walked over the roughest stretches, while Lee tried to make enough of a road to keep the wagon from tipping over. Legend holds that when Emma saw the valley at the mouth of the Paria, a sandy floor dotted with desert brush and walled with cliffs as barren as the second day of creation, she exclaimed, "Oh, what a lonely dell!" 13 (She was, after all, a convert, born and raised in the lushness of England.)

20The name stuck. From that day forth it unofficially headed all letters and diary entries until 24 July 1872, when Lee wrote proudly that "Maj. Powell adopted my name for the place Lonely Dell & so ordered it to be printed on the U S maps." 14

20While he lived there, Lee kept a daily record of his life at this outpost. He gave us an intimate picture of the problems involved in living where the nearest town, Kanab, was ninety miles away, and the Paria settlement on the plateau above, "40 miles by Indian trail and 100 miles by wagon road." 15

20Lee and his family had arrived at Lonely Dell just before Christmas in 1871. Juanita Brooks describes the Lee family's initial settlement and first Christmas at Lonely Dell through the eyes of Emma Lee.

20First, the one wagon was unloaded and the box set off the wheels onto corner stones to keep it out of the sand. This was to be her bedroom and the general storeroom for their most precious items. The rag carpet from the living room back home was spread over the top of the regular wagon cover for extra warmth; a blanket was hung over the front entrance, a braided rug was placed on the floor. The trunk of clothing, the box of baby things, the few books, the little tin box of medicine and mementos all found a place in this bedroom. The children would all sleep in the other wagon.

20There was a double advantage in having her place here upon the ground; she could get into and out of it easier, and the running gears of the wagon were then free to be used to haul driftwood logs from the riverbank or willows from the creek.

20The kitchen was only a windbreak, with a tarp pulled tightly around three posts and a place for a fire in the open end. One shelf nailed between two of the posts held the supplies for cooking. With only four days before Christmas, Emma must have been busy indeed.

20 - 21Christmas Eve was a clear quiet night with the stars hanging low, one luminous one in the western sky bright as if it hung over the Manger. Without any of the trappings of Christmas, they observed it, the children joining in the carols and John D. reading the matchless story from Luke almost from memory. The gifts? They would wait until the next morning-rag dolls and a double slate with two slate pencils for the twins, a larger doll that Aunt Rachel had put in for Belle,…a pocketknife for each of the older boys, Billy and Ike, and a toy flute for Jimmie. For John, Emma had knitted a wool muffler of fine gray yarn. For goodies, she had cookies and some hardtack candy from a can hidden in the flour bin and a half-dozen apples from the bottom of the trunk. It pleased her to have been able to keep everything a surprise, even from her husband. Now it was her tam to be surprised, for she had no idea there was a gift for her.

21Billy and Ike came carrying it through the brush-a chair made of willows. Arched, curving willows formed the back and arms; smoothed off willows close together made the seat. It was a sturdy chair with a beauty all of its own.

21"And here I thought you were chopping willows to make a coop for the hens," she said, kissing each lad in turn.

21"We were, but we picked the longest and smoothest for this. Father really made it; we only furnished the willows." 16

21Lee's attention now turned to more permanent means of shelter. Of this he wrote,

21Thursday 28 [Dec.] 1871…Now all my energies was turned to building a couple of houses for Emma was still in suspense. I fixed her as comfortable as I could with carpeting, tent, &c. This evening we encountered a desperate tornado, accompanied with heavy rain &c. Up to Jany. 12, 1872, I finished the two houses, laid the floors with flag Rock & commenced a stone corrall. 17

21After the storm, help arrived when Lee' s wife Rachel arrived with her four boys. Rachel came to help with Emma's confinement. The boys helped with the building. The houses finished, corrals made, a chicken coop of woven willows secure against coyotes, Lee made a short trip to check on the cattle and horses he had left in the valleys along the stream. He returned to find that he had "an increase in my family. Emma B. was delivered of a Daughter on Wed. Jany 17th about 7 o'clock p.m. & named it Frances Dell after the place of our location & her sister Fanny. We Butchered a fine Beef." 18

21In addition to weather problems, John D. Lee suffered from ague and fever, as he describes,

22Feb., Thursday, 1st, 1872…My fever & ague Still Stick to me, like Poverty which Stands by, then [when] all Friends forsake & was it not for the amout of labour so urgent to be done, we would be lonesome. For over a Month we have not seen the face of a white Man & not even a word from the inner world…. The weather continues fine for buisness; no snow, not even to cover the ground, But we have been visited with 2 heavy wind storms or rather a Tomado. One of them was accompanied with a heavy rain. During the gale I lay shaking with ague, while Rachel stood & held the cover down. This Storm reminded Me of fonner Storms as the heaps of Sand indicated, which I consid[ere]d as a timely warning not to build in this Place. So I selected a location a litle further down the vally where the N.W. Winds would not have so faire a sweep…. [A year later in January 1873] The wind blew a Huricane, unroofed the House & blew some of the lumber 100 yards. Turned cold & froze hard. 19

22More important always than the ferry business was the task of raising food in this hostile environment. First, last, and all the time was the problem of irrigation water. The Paria, normally a small, quiet stream, drained a wide area, and rain on its far reaches might bring a flash flood that would scoop out the dam and fill the ditches. The following entries reveal an oft-repeated pattern:

22June 12, 1872 Now begins the Tug of war. A dam 8 foot deep & 7 rods long to make besides heavy repairs on the ditch, before water can be brought to revive the dyeing crops, vines & trees. However imidetely we went to work…. I with my 4 little boys & what assistance Emma could render with a young babe at her Breast, we continued our exertions for 21 days, watering the fruit trees and some vines by hand & by the grace of God we finally conquered & brought out the water & began to revive our dying crop. 20

22Just one month later, on July 20, Lee wrote:

22On reaching the Dell I found that a much greater freshet than any of the season had been & swept a portion of my Dam away & f'dled up my eregating ditch some 2 feet deep with muck or clamy mudd. To remove this deposit out of the ditch was more than equeal to making a new ditch…. At the expiration of 10 more days labor we had the water out again. 21

23Each year it was the same, with such entries as "all hands on the dam," or "our energies were on the dam until we almost despaired of ever getting the water in time to save our trees and vines," being common.

23Lee began to plant crops early in the spring of 1872, as reflected in his journal:

23Mar. 1st, 1872. Warm fine day. I Ploughed & sowed a Patch of wheat & Luceme & for garden.

23Mond. [Sat], Mar. 2nd, 1872. Planted onions, Parsnips, raddish, Lettice, Rhewbarb, &cc. 22

23The fruits of their labors of the first year were realized:

23Thurs., July 25th, 1872. Our energies were again directed towards My crops, strengthening & supporting our water-works, Ploughing out our corn, vines &c. After a series of hard labour, we are begning to enjoy the fruits of our labour daily as green corn, vegitable Marrow or summer squash, cucumbers, Beets, onions, raddish, & Beans & a few Mellons are in full blast. They were not only a Treat but a great blessing to us in Desert country. 23

23Establishment of the Ferry

23The first to be ferried across the river were Indians. On Friday, January 19th, 1872, Lee recorded:

23 - 24Before sun rise we was Saluted by the whoops & yells of a Band of 15 Navajoes, pleading with us to set them over the river. About the same [time] the Boys had caught a wolf in the Pen & was having a litle fun with the Dogs. We were but 3 Men Strong, 3 women & 13 little children & 100 Ms. from Setlements, & 15 Braves to come over amoungst us. The spirit said help them over, so I with Samuel & James & My wife Rachel Andora commenced to cork an old fiat Boat [evidently the one built by Major Powell the year before when he went to visit the Moquis] & by noon we were ready to cross. When we launched the Boat, My 2 sons Samuel & Jas. faultered, feared to venture with such a craft. My wife Rachel Andora Said that She would go over with Me & Steer. When we reached the opposite side, the Natives Met us with open arms of Friendship. They were heavy loaded with Blankets full of cloth, calico, domestics, Made up clothing, linseys & handkerchiefs. After Much difficulty we Succeeded in getting them & their lugage over safe. Next was their Horses which we failed to swim over after 2 trials & nearly upsetting the Boat. 24

24When Lee finished all the crossings, it was nightfall, and the last three hours he had worked with fever and ague. When he reached the fire on shore he was so exhausted that he staggered. One of the Indians caught him in his arms, and another threw his blankets over him; four of them helped him to the cabin. The next day Lee traded two horses for some of their wares, part of which he again exchanged at the settlements for three hundred grape roots.

24Indians frequently visited the ferry. In 1875, when the Mormon settlers had problems with Indian raids, the Mormons even placed guards at Lee's Ferry, as well as at Ute Crossing, to control the number of Indians crossing the Colorado. Warren M. Johnson reported that 522 Indians crossed from the south side between 1 April to 1 November 1875. 25

24Other early visitors to the ferry were members of John Wesley Powell's expedition and certain miners and prospectors. They even helped some with the washed-out dam, and Lee appreciated their assistance. The Powell party were there on 24 July 1872, enjoying the garden vegetables Lee had produced. Lee watched after the boats not being used by the Powell expedition. The mining boom at Pioche, Nevada, had been on since 1870, and rumors were that fabulous deposits of gold exposed in the reaches of the Grand Canyon. During the spring of 1872 several groups of miners and prospectors visited Lonely Dell. The Lee family were able to obtain much needed foodstuffs and even tools from these miners in exchange for ferry services. One such group, however, borrowed tools and dishes and then started down the river on a raft. Within a few miles the raft capsized, and they lost their traps and tools and nearly drowned themselves. This loss was a serious one for Lee, for tools especially were hard to come by so far from civilization. 26

25Use of the Ferry for Mormon Colonization in Arizona

25The ferry had served the missionaries who went among the Indians, the miners, and the Powell party, but its real value developed as a crossing for Mormon colonizers sent by Brigham Young into Arizona. Lee received word on Christmas Day 1872 that Brigham Young was coming to St. George, and that trouble was brewing anew over polygamy, so that men with more than one wife might have to flee the law. Lumber had been brought in October for the boat; Uncle Tommy Smith and two sons arrived on 16 December to build it. Work began in earnest, and the boat was launched 11 January 1873. Twenty-two people were on hand for the occasion, and after eating dinner in the bottom of the boat, they

25launched the Boat & called her the Colerado & the skiff we named the Pahreah. The Colerado is 26 by 8 1/2 feet, strong, a staunch craft & well constructed & a light runer. The party presant all crossed on her to Christen her & take a pleasure fide. We crossed over & back twice. Uncle Tommy Smith & son Robt rowed her over & I steered. Set down a good post & fastened her with a caablechain & reached home about dusk. 27

25Further impetus was given to the ferry after Brigham Young conversed with Thomas L. Kane in St. George about settlements extending into Mexico and then dispatched the Arizona Exploring Company to make one last reconnaissance of the Little Colorado River and the Rio Verde country south of the San Francisco Mountains. This group, headed by Lorenzo Roundy, included such veterans of the Indian mission as Jacob Hamblin, Ira Hatch, and Andrew Gibbons. They arrived at Lonely Dell on 1 February 1873, crossed the river, and returned to the ferry by 25 February.

25 - 26In order to facilitate colonization, a road on the opposite side of the river had to be chiseled out of the rock up the steep embankment, for no wagon had yet crossed the stream. On 2 April 1874, a company arrived to undertake the making of the road. Under the direction of Joseph W. Young, with Edward Bunker and Isaac C. Haight as assistants, the twenty-five men worked diligently for fifteen days; then they left Lee some powder and shot with which to blast away a few places where the cliff would not admit the passage of a wagon.

26The first company to pay for use of the new boat arrived on 22 April. Lee hauled their nine wagons over, along with at least thirty-three animals. Here he established the price, which was still in use in 1885-$3.00 per wagon and $.75 per animal, with no charge for people or luggage. From this first company he collected $46.00, much of which was in flour, salt, meal, and groceries.

26Later companies came-one consisting of fifteen wagons on 9 May and another of eight wagons two days later. After successful days of ferrying, boat rides were taken sometimes at night for enjoyment, complete with a silver moon and music. Lee recorded: "Had one Lady on Board with us, had music by the constantina, Dancing & singing. We had a splendid time." 28 Some of the conversations after a long day of ferrying must also have been interesting, as recorded on 19 May 1873: "Evening quite a number of them Spent of some Social Hours. By request I retold the incidents of that unfortunate affair called the Mountain Meadow. They seemed satisfied with my report." 29

26Baptisms were performed in the river when they celebrated Brigham Young's birthday on a Sunday. Brother Gibbons baptized two of Lee's sons and a grandson, as well as James Jones, a visitor. Lee said the meeting was spirited and warm and he and Brother Gibbons spoke on various gospel topics. 30

26By 24 May crossing the river was more difficult, because the water level had risen about ten feet. According to Lee,

26we were compelled to remove the crossing about 1/2 mile above on account of the Swiftness of the current, then by Means of a Rope 100 feet long, we towed the Boat up over 1/2 a Mile up both Sides, Making the crossing verry hard. Nevertheless with care, perseverance & industry we succeeded in crossing 61 animals in all. 31

26 - 27Many of these first settlers were disenchanted with the difficulty of colonizing in the Arizona deserts, and one of the men took out his frustrations on John D. Lee when he returned after a week on the south side of the river:

27Mond., May 26, about 10 Morning all Safe without any accident with the exception of braking two oars, one Rough lock, & one wagon Missing the Boat as the waggon was roled in & detained us about one hour, & one cow and one horse jumbed off the Boat and Swam ashore all right. The capt. of this co, Henry Day from willow creek, was not a Man of Much firmness, either in Mormonism or Manly deal. The first thing that [he said] when he came to the Ferry was that it was a Poor Sh…arrangemt (to use the vulgar) & that this company never Should have been Sent on a Mission until a good Road & Ferry had been Made first &c. I felt indignant at the impertinence of the Man…. I replied, If the Boat does not Suit you, perhaps you do better. He replied that he was not Sent to Make Roads nor build Boats. I continued that Better men then he was Made Road, Bridges & Boats from Nauvoo to Salt Lake, without whing [whining] half as Much as you have at this Ferry. Brigham Young is the Man that is at the head of this Mission, & he knows what he is doeing. He does not expt you to be carried through to A.Z. on flowry Beds of ease, but to help prepare the way. The cos. [companies] that have gone ahead had no roads or Ferries, only as the Make them & I do not believe they will grunt 1/2 so much to make their Roads as you. 32

27Other settlers, becoming disenchanted with these difficult colonizing efforts, returned from across the river and abandoned heavy items, some even leaving their wagons as they returned to civilization. The final blow to the Arizona settlement for 1873 came when on 16 June "a heavy gale blew up from the south, blew a large tree into the harbour & dashed the ferry boat & broke her loose & she doubtless went over the rapids or sunk." 33

27 - 28When Lee heard that 600 soldiers were on their way to erect a military fort at Lonely Dell, he immediately left for Moenkopi, a remote spot deep in northern Arizona's Indian country, where he remained nine months. Lee became very ill, either from over-exertion or poor food. He recorded in his journal that a bird came while he was ill, and he thought how nice it would be to send a message for help to Lonely Dell. Meanwhile his wife Rachel had a bird visit her, and she said she felt that she must travel immediately to Moenkopi, where she nursed her husband back to health. He concluded, "Thus was my prayers answered, & that, too, in a Miraculous Manner." 34

28Meanwhile Lee's other wife, Emma, left alone at Lonely Dell, after three months became a little nervous one day when ten Navajos crossed the river and made their camp down near the corral. She was frightened and concerned for her five children, who ranged in age from thirteen years to twenty months. She fed the children and had evening prayer, seeking for inspiration to know what to do. She marched the children down to the Indian camp with blankets and pillows and told them she was frightened. They snuggled up by the fire and soon fell asleep. In the morning she awoke just in time to see the Indians riding off. The Indian chief later told Jacob Hamblin about the incident with the comment, "Yawgatt's squaw very brave!" 35

28Emma was expecting a baby during this episode in November 1873. Jacob Hamblin had promised to bring Sister Mangum to Lonely Dell to help Emma with the new arrival. Emma had been alone with only her children for four months. The baby was born on 25 October; Emma had only her thirteen year old boy to help with the delivery. The baby, a girl, was named Victory, after Queen Victoria of England. Hamblin arrived too late.

28When Lee returned from Moenkopi to the ferry in November 1873, he received a reassuring letter from Brigham Young that the ferry operation was important to colonizing. And he was promised a title of ownership for the ferry in Emma's name to offer support for his family. John L. Blythe, appointed to head another company into Arizona, brought with him a barge 20 x 40 feet that would hold two wagons, loads, and teams. Lee helped the Blythe company over the river.

28When John D. Lee returned to the settlements to get provisions in the fall, he was arrested and did not return to the ferry before his death on 23 March 1877. 36 Emma was again left alone with her children to operate the ferry at Lonely Dell, where she remained until 1879. 37

28 - 29In 1874, only the Blythe company crossed the river to explore colonizing possibilities. The next year, James S. Brown led an exploring company deeper into the territory, but it was not until 1876 that a real colonization program was begun.

29The Johnson Years at Lee's Ferry

29In 1876 Warren M. Johnson was called to operate the ferry. Four companies of fifty men each, directed by Lot Smith, Jesse O. Ballinger, George Lake and William C. Allen, responded to the call. Jacob Hamblin acted as guide. When they reached Lee 's Ferry on the Colorado it was a raging torrent. The current shifted from side to side, and the surging water against the rocks caused large, dangerous whirlpools. They put three wagons and some luggage on the ferry-boat. Then they towed the boat up-stream about one mile, to afford a better chance for landing at the proper place on the other side of the river.

29When taking the boat around a point of rock, the water poured over the bow. Word was given to slacken the tow rope. In doing so, the rope caught in the seam of a rock, and the draft on the rope continuing, the boat was drawn under water. In a moment the rapid current swept the boat clear of its burden. Men, wagons and luggage went into the surging waters.

29 Jacob plunged into the cold, snowy water to swim, but his right ann cramped, which caused him almost to despair of getting ashore. As a large oar passed him, he threw his arm over it to save himself from sinking. About the same time Brother L. John Nuttall caught the same oar, so Jacob thought it best to try to swim with one arm. However, he was soon able to use both and went safely to shore.

29 Jacob ran down the river bank, got into a skiff with two others, pulled out to the head of the rapids, and saved a wagon and its contents on a small island. The other two wagons with all the valuables they contained including most of their supplies, passed over the rapids into the Grand Canyon of the Colorado.

29 - 30On getting together they found that Brother Lorenzo W. Roundy was missing. He was said to be a good swimmer, and it is probable he was taken with the cramps and sank at once. His body was never found.

30Brother Lorenzo Hatch sank deep into the river, but saved himself from drowning and was picked up by skiff. Brother Warren Johnson and another man hung to a wagon until they were picked up by the the skiff, just in time to save them from going over the rapids. 38

30Bishop Lorenzo W. Roundy had been a special friend to the Lee family, especially to Billy Lee. At the time of the accident, Billy rescued Jacob Hamblin and one other, but Roundy dropped out of sight. Billy thought he saw Roundy's arm rise out of the water just as it went over the rapids. Later, Billy said that Roundy, now as a spirit, visited him, though he did not speak. He told the story in these words:

30My brother Ike and I were sleeping outside in a wagon bed which was sitting on two timbers.

30I was awakened by a groan. I looked up, and there was Roundy standing over me. I wanted Ike to see it, too, so I nudged him with my elbow and said, "Look here, Ike."

30I turned my glance for a second, and when I looked again, Roundy was gone.

30I went around, and in the house, where my mother was sleeping.

30She said to me, "What is the matter with you?"

30Then I told her what had happened, and she got up and we both searched the premises, and found no one. I went forth the next day with renewed hope of finding the body of my friend, but we never recovered it.

30"The Colorado River never gives up its dead." 39

30The ferryboat was not needed at one stage of the history of Lee's Ferry. A missionary party, led by Anthony W. Ivins and Erastus B. Snow, reached the river 16 January 1878, about the same time as did John W. Young and a number of prospective settlers bound for the Little Colorado. Snow recorded that

30 - 31the Colorado River, the Little Colorado and all the springs and watering places were frozen over. Many of the springs and tanks were entirely frozen up, so that we were compelled to melt snow and ice for our teams. We (that is J. W. Young and I), crossed our team and wagon on the ice over the Colorado. I assure you it was quite a novelty to me, to cross such a stream of water on ice; many other heavily loaded wagons did the same, some with 2500 pounds on. One party did a very foolish trick, which resulted in the loss of an ox; they attempted to cross three head of large cattle all yoked and chained together, and one of the wheelers steppod on a chain that was dragging behind, tripped and fell, pulling his mate with him, thereby bringing such a heft on the ice that it broke through, letting the whole into the water; but the ice being sufficiently strong they could stand on it and pull them out one at a time. One got under the ice and was drowned, the live one swimming some length of time holding the dead one up by the yoke. 40

31Concerning the same trip, Mr. Ivins wrote, "The river was frozen from shore to shore, but, above and below for a short distance, the river was open and running rapidly." 41 Great care was taken in crossing, the wagons with their loads usually pulled over by hand and the horses taken over singly. Thus the ice was cracked. Mr. Ivins recited the episode of the oxen and then explained that a herd of cattle was taken across by throwing each animal, tying its legs, and dragging it across. One man could drag a grown cow over the smooth ice. if the group remained at the river several days, crossing on the ice 32 times. 42 In six days, all the missionaries and settlers at Navajo Springs, ready to continue the journey. It is believed that the Colorado has not frozen over since that time.

31Wilford Woodruff who crossed the Colorado at Lee's Ferry in 1879 on his way to visit the Arizona settlements noted,

31We drove to Lees Ferry and Crossed. I here left Br Johnson who was the ferryman and at home. We then Crossed the Mountain Called Lees Back bone which we named the Hogs Back. It was the worst hill Ridge or Mountain that I Ever attempted to Cross with a team and waggon on Earth. We had 4 Horses on a waggon of 1,500 lb weight and for two rods we Could ownly gain from 4 inches to 24 with all the power of the horses & two men rolling at the hind wheels and going Down on the other side was still more Steep rocky and sandy which would make it much worse than going up on the North side.

31I visited the Great Colorado for the first time in my life whare I went to the River. I found it runing between two Stone walls some 2,000 feet high perpendicular. The river itself looked small being such distance from the top of the Earth. 43

32Although Brigham Young advised Ephraim Hanks in 1877 to buy the ferry from Emma Lee, the plan failed to materialize because of the death of Brigham Young that same year. Emma Lee and her family remained at the ferry until 1879, when Warren Johnson, as an agent for the Church, gave Emma 100 cows, which he collected from the residents in southern Utah and northern Arizona for the ferry. Emma actually received only 14 of the 100 cows. 44

32She took her family into Arizona to make a new life. Frank French, a non-Mormon prospector who had been in the area, helped her with the move. She married him in 1879, and after an irrigation squabble in Snowflake eventually sealed in Winslow, Arizona in 1887. 45 In Winslow Emma became known as Dr. French, for she not only practiced as a midwife, she also became recognized for her compassion; she knew how to help the sick. Much of her confidence came from the practical experience at Lonely Dell, where she spent eight years, many of them alone with only her young children. She died on 16 November 1897 in Winslow. 46

32An eleven-year-old boy, John Hunt, described his feelings when he saw the Colorado River in 1880, as he drove his grandmother to Arizona:

32to look at the river running down over the rapids below the Ferry would make your blood turn cold…. Right at the Ferry the river is running still and dead. No waves to speak of unless the wind was blowing. The river is about three or four hundred yards wide. Mr. Johnson the man operating the Ferry said they went by high and low water sign. Sometimes there was a difference of thirty feet in high and low water. The high water season was from the middle of May through June and during that time they would not operate the large boat. 47

32 - 33Warren Johnson and his family lived at Lonely Dell and operated the ferry for the Church until 1895. In the early 1880s three outlaws-Tom McCarty, Matt Warner and Josh Sweat-came to Lee's Ferry with U.S. deputy marshals in pursuit. In Mexico, they had been involved in cattle rustling, selling the stock to ranchers. They took Warren Johnson as a hostage, tied his hands and close-hobbled his feet, and left him five miles from the ferry. It took him two days of rolling and falling to make his way back home. The outlaws were finally captured. Four of the "hashknife" outfit out of Nor-them Arizona also crossed at the ferry and were captured near Willow Springs. 48

33Tragedy struck the Johnson family when a family, traveling from Richfield to Tuba City in 1891, exposed the Johnson children to diphtheria; a son and three daughters died and are buried at Lonely Dell. The Johnsons operated the ferry until 1895, when James Emmett took over and operated the ferry until 1909. 49

33Engineers, Prospectors, Celebrities and Adventures at the Ferry

33Robert Brewster Stanton, chief engineer for the Denver Colorado Canyon and Pacific Railroad Survey, and his expedition celebrated July Fourth and Christmas Day of 1889 at Lee's Ferry and were treated to a meal on each occasion that would rival a meal in a modern-day restaurant. The menu included Colorado River salmon, turkey, beef, plum pudding, mince and apple pie, fresh peaches, pears, raisins and nuts, all grown at Lee 's Ferry. The railroad venture never materialize; three members of the group were drowned in the Colorado River. 50

33Stanton returned to the Colorado River and Lee's Ferry again in 1897 with the Hoskaninni Company, a gold mining venture that involved several thousand dollars that failed in 1901. It was not the last of Lee's Ferry and the Gold Rush, however, for in 1910-11 another company, the American Placer Corporation, was formed in Chicago. Charles H. Spencer was the engineer, and this company assembled the steamboat of the Colorado, the Charles H. Spencer. Launched in February 1912, it proved too large and used too much coal to be practical. It was tied up at Lee's Ferry in 1912, 51 where its remains may be seen to this day.

34A Mormon trapper by the name of Nathaniel Galloway who worked for Stanton developed his own boat on the river. In 1897, he took George Wharton James, prominent writer on the Indians and the Grand Canyon, from Lee's Ferry to Glen Canyon and Marble Canyon. In 1909, Galloway took Julius Stone, a coal company official and capitalist associate of Stanton, from Glen Canyon to Lee's Ferry on a pleasure trip just to explore and enjoy the river. Later, a trip was made from Green River, Wyoming to Needles, California, on the river. It was the first river trip planned and executed on such a grand scale just for love of adventure, though photography and exploration were a part of it. 52 Such excursions have become an important recreational pursuit; many enthusiasts now have passed Lee's Ferry running the river just for fun.

34Zane Grey, a well-known writer of the western novel, crossed Lee's Ferry in 1907, assisted by James Emmett, his two sons, and two other men, all Mormons. The crossing was treacherous. Grey's first western novel, The Heritage of the Desert, published in 1910, features a location faintly reminiscent of the river at Lee's Ferry. 53

34Buffalo Bill Cody crossed Lee's Ferry in 1892. He had been in England for Queen Victoria's Jubilee as part of the American Exhibition and brought some Britons out West with him. 54

34Miss Sharlot M. Hall, Arizona Territorial Historian, visited Lee's Ferry in 1911. She wrote entertainingly of her trip, by wagon, northwest into the Arizona Strip. Much of her diary was published in 1912 in the Arizona magazine.

34Authorities of the Church sold the ferry rights in 1909 to the Grand Canyon Cattle Company, with roots in California, which grazed cattle in the famous Kalbab and on expanses to the north. A year later the property changed hands again. Coconino County bought it and operated the ferry as a public venture. In 1913 a private company contracted to run the ferry for a specified amount each year. This contract lasted only three years. The county took it over again and ran it as public property until 1929, when the Navajo Bridge was built six miles below the ferry spanning Marble Canyon. 55

35Summary

35From the first crossing of the Colorado River in 1864 at Lee's Ferry until 1929, the ferry was the most important point on the road from Utah into Arizona, the point no one could avoid. The ferry was an absolute necessity for Mormon colonization in Arizona. One cannot help but admire the courage of John D. Lee, and especially his wife Emma, who remained at the ferry and faced the adverse conditions necessary to make a livable habitation there. Mormon interest in the ferry centers in the many events and hardships encountered in crossing the ferry and building the dugway on the other side. The Lee journals are filled with colorful events, including encounters with the Indians and the Powell expeditions. A census taken 1 January 1878 showed the total of Mormon emigrants from Utah to Arizona for the two previous years. The communities where they settled were Sunset, 136; Ballenger, 277; Allen's Camp, 76; Woodruff, 50; Moenkopi, 25-a total of 115 families and 654 people. 56 Mormons continued to use the ferry until the Navajo Bridge was built in 1929. They were not the only ones who found the ferry useful; prospectors, engineering expeditions, and sheer adventurers visited it.

35With all the excursions and all the activity, the number of people who lost their lives on the river is relatively low. Of a total of fifty since 1869, twelve died at Lee's Ferry, making it the most dangerous place on the river. Of the twelve, ferry accidents claimed the lives of seven, two incidents of skiffs overturning took the lives of four, and one incident of a canoe capsizing took the life of another at the lower ferry site. Estimates in 1980 indicated that 12 000 people traveled the Colorado River passing Lee 's Ferry. 57

35The legends and stories of Lonely Dell continue to be a constant reminder of this once important gateway to the pioneer Southwest.

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Subduing a Desert-Securing a Destiny

by James R. Christianson

39Introduction

39For most Latter-day Saints, the study of LDS history in North America has amounted to an introduction to mainstream Mormonism. Beginning in New England, New York, and Pennsylvania, they have followed the Church to Ohio, Missouri, and Illinois; journeyed with Sam Brannan on a 24,000-mile voyage to California; shared in the struggles of the Mormon Battalion on its circuitous route to the Great Basin; and accompanied the pioneer wagons and handcarts from the Missouri River to Fort Laramie, South Pass, and the Valley of the Great Salt Lake.

39To those who view their Mormon heritage with more than passing interest, however, a fascination has developed with such windows of history as Cardston, Santa Clara, Fort Lemhi, Franklin, Snowflake, Orderville, and the colonies on the Little Colorado. These and numerous other ventures and events represent significant developments in the adjustment and expansion of the kingdom tent as it not only came to embrace the whole of the great interior basin of the American West, but also spilled over its rim, embracing a variety of habitation sites scattered northward into Oregon, Idaho, and Canada and south and east into Nevada, Colorado, New Mexico, Arizona, and Mexico.

39 - 40From the vantage point of contemporary members, early Mormon settlements beyond the limits of Salt Lake City and the Wasatch Front are little-known places from which people escaped in order to make history or to which they were sent or fled into obscurity. A more accurate appraisal of these outlying, at times painfully distant, settlements distinguishes them as being at the heart of the Mormon success story during the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries.

40Among the goals set by Brigham Young and those who joined him in their mass migration to the West was an overwhelming determination to gather out of and away from Babylon. Initially, the communities established throughout Salt Lake, Utah, and Weber Valley served this purpose. As the migration of the Saints from the Midwest, the South, and the East was further amplified by immigrants from Great Britain and increasingly large numbers from Europe, the settlement plan expanded to the full range of the compass.

40The eventual unplanned intrusion of gentile influences into Salt Lake City and neighboring communities coincided with the planned expansion of Mormon settlements throughout the West. The hoped-for and much-sought-after isolation which accompanied early beginnings in the valleys of the mountains was gradually compromised as the United States Army, federal appointees, non-Mormon merchants and miners, and the railroad caused the once-distant East and West to meet in the streets of Salt Lake City.

40What the central communities of the Church lost as the veil of isolation withdrew and the confrontation with Babylon resumed, the hundreds of scattered settlements throughout and beyond the Great Basin retained for decades. In these settlements, generation after generation, commitment ran deepest, and values were least compromised.

40 - 41As time passed and radio, movies, commerce, education, literature, and improved means of transportation violated the buffer thrust up by isolation around far-flung Mormon settlements, their inhabitants did what faithful Latter-day Saints in Salt Lake City and other Mormon communities had done years before. They recognized that their original frontier, the whole of the West, was, in time, reduced to a valley, then to a community, and finally to the walls of a house and to the individual lives of those who called it home. The Zion which Brigham Young sought to establish, first as a city and then as an empire, was successfully anchored after the turn of the century, as it was in 1847, in the hearts and homes of Mormon men and women.

41The Gathering: Fuel for the Mormon Colonizing Effort

41There was much in the message of nineteenth-century Mormonism that was unique and excited the minds of many "seekers of truth." The various doctrines taught, whether virtually new or simply more lucid and authoritative restatements of teachings long proclaimed, were in one way or another instrumental in the conversion process experienced by thousands of individuals. For many, it was the Restoration; for some, the priesthood and a prophet; still others were drawn into the gospel net by the solid evidence of The Book of Mormon as a second witness for Christ. For most, however, the single most compelling doctrine of the Restoration during the first five or six decades of Mormon history was the gathering. 1

41Though all that was taught was vital and of significance to this latter-day restoration of all things, as a worldwide message it was the concept of coming out of Babylon and joining together at a specific location prior to the second coming of Christ that captured the imagination and won the allegiance of peoples throughout North America and the countries of Western Europe. From New York, to Ohio, to Missouri, to Illinois, to the Valley of the Great Salt Lake, it was the call to gather, the sacrifice it required, and the vision it instilled that eventually rooted the kingdom solidly and successfully in the soil of Zion. It was the gathering, as long as it lasted, that fueled the Mormons' colonizing process.

41 - 42The concept of gathering was a well-established canon in the body of LDS doctrine by the early 1830s. Kirtland, Ohio; Independence (Jackson County) and Far West, Missouri; and Nauvoo, Illinois, were all designated as places of refuge and centers to which the faithful were to gravitate. It was not until the Church was forced to abandon the civilized East and remove to the arid valleys of the great interior basin of the Far West, however, that the real story of the Latter-day Saint gathering began to unfold.

42The proselyting success which followed the introduction of the gospel into Great Britain in 1837 was paralleled but not equaled a few years later in continental Europe. Beginning in 1850, Mormon missionaries declared their message in Switzerland, the Netherlands, Scandinavia, Germany, and in parts of Italy, France, Gibraltar, Malta, and Austria. As with Great Britain, those countries where the Protestant Reformation left its mark and where political stability and religious freedom existed as something of a reality were the most receptive to the seeds of truth cast abroad by a handful of courageous elders.

42Between 1850 and 1900, 80,000 Latter-day Saints emigrated from Great Britain and Scandinavia. Thousands more emigrated from Switzerland, Holland, and Germany. Europe was literally the marketplace for the gathering. Except for the Deep South, where missionaries continued to labor and find nominal success, the once fruitful missions of the United States and Canada were mostly abandoned during the latter half of the nineteenth century.

42Following the unsettling events in Nauvoo and the resettlement of the Church in the West, out of the way of the thoroughly hostile and unsympathetic American public, the arrival of hundreds followed by many thousands of new, eager, able converts from across the Atlantic was to the Church what a transfusion is to a needy patient. Moved by the spirit of gathering, these converts came to build the kingdom. Arriving first in Salt Lake City, they gradually populated the valleys at increasing distances from the headquarters of the church. In quiet, established communities and in rustic frontier settlements, they performed their greatest service. In their homes and personal lives the restored gospel found expression, and Zion became a reality. In the isolation of their communities, their lives took on a soundness and depth that helped prepare them and their posterity for the time when the world of the twentieth century would seek them out.

43A very small percentage of the thousands who came were well educated. A few, such as Karl G. Maeser and Jacob Spori, were educators; others were trained in medicine, in fine arts, and in music. More than one-half of all Mormon hymns were either written or had the music composed by British immigrants. Some were fairly wealthy, and even more possessed the skills that eventually brought them affluence. Most, however, were just what the territory needed: capable, motivated individuals who were experienced in a wide variety of crafts. They were men and women who could construct a temple or tabernacle in a wilderness, design an organ, perfect an irrigation system, or from one day to the next establish a functioning community.

43The aesthetic or cultural impact of the gathering is difficult to measure. Perhaps it is sufficient to say that the coming together and mixing of the nations of the earth in the unique community we call Mormonism produced a kind of hybrid vigor which accounts for at least some of those traits that characterize and distinguish Latter-day Saints of the twentieth century.

Answering the Call

43You recognize as word of God
What Brigham bids you do;
To stay or go-at home, abroad,
Is all the same to you
(Eliza R. Snow, Millennial Star, July 1, 1854)

43 - 44Establishing independent, viable colonies was what early Mormonism and the gathering were all about. The opportunity to be part of the colonizing process was a call to build the kingdom and was, therefore, a mission experience not unlike traveling to distant lands, teaching the gospel, baptizing, and being willing to suffer afflictions for the sake of truth. Benjamin Johnson' s reaction to the first of several requests for him to colonize a wilderness area typified the readiness to sacrifice evidenced in the lives of most early Mormon Proselytes. When the call came, Benjamin recorded:

44I felt a little taken back, for I had never thought of leaving the city. I was getting a good run in the saddlery business, and had the best chug store in the Territory and was doing well. I owned the half block on which the Utah central depot now stands, besides many other valuable lots in the city and a number of 5-and-10-acre lots in the fields adjoining the city. Yet the cull had come, and I could see Providence in it. The more I thought upon the subject the more I became enthused with joy and pride, that I had been deemed worthy of so important a call. 2

44Like Benjamin Johnson, most Latter-day Saints viewed their assignment to colonize as a divine call. So identified, the whole of the Mormon colonizing experience zooms more sharply and understandably into focus. It explains why people who made immeasurable sacrifices to gather to Zion were willing and even eager to sacrifice anew and scatter to every nook and cranny of the West in order to further expand Zion.

44 - 45Though correct, the simplicity of this explanation does not do credit to the true nature of the challenge facing prospective colonists, whether they were newly arrived Europeans or seasoned, well-established settlers who had successfully logged a span of years in their desert home. Unlike a preaching mission, which regularly lasted one, two, or three years, after which one was free to return to home and family, the colonist missionary left behind all that he could not carry in a wagon or on a draft animal, turning his back on civilization for an often ill-defined destination from which he would only return as a visitor, as a failure, or as a corpse. Given the nature of such an unusual commitment, one must look beyond the obvious to a difficult-to-define but very real force that moved Mormon men and women to reach beyond their grasp and act in an uncompromising but convincing fashion as they gave themselves over to the building of the kingdom of God, whether it was on the rim of a desert, the slope of a mountain, or the heart of a vast but waterless plain. As with many aspects of the nineteenth and early twentieth-century Mormon experience, there was a sense of destiny associated with the effort to colonize the American West. It was an awareness born, in pan, of a response to the relentless challenges faced on a near day-to-day basis; but even more, it was the fruit of a deeply held commitment to the belief that each was doing only that which he or she by foreordination had entered mortality to accomplish. If asked to explain one's selflessness and willingness to persist despite the many trials exacted by the colonizing experience, many would respond that they could not explain why but knew with certainty that each must carry on until the Lord through his prophet declared, "Enough!" Simply stated, of all his many children, the Lord had selected Latter-day Saints to lay the foundations of his kingdom, and that knowledge was sufficient to cement their wills at times when bodies and minds, drained of all strength and resilience, might otherwise have capitulated.

45Immigrant colonists had less a financial sacrifice to make, but they faced a greater cultural adjustment than did their sedentary brethren. Having learned of and lived the gospel in their homeland, they had undertaken a difficult but sheltered journey to the New World under the leadership of people who knew their language and understood their problems. As colonists, these immigrants were thrust into a totally alien environment and society, where the only common denominators were the restored gospel and, for some, the English language. Remarkably, they made the necessary adjustments and became successful Latter-day Saints.

45The charge has been made that the colonists came primarily from two classes; the well-to-do who would provide a financial foundation upon which a successful effort could be launched, and the ne'er-do-wells whom the frontier would hopefully chasten and reform. Contrary to this view, most colonies were spiced with the necessary number of in-betweens who, though neither rich nor idle, were equipped with the faith and skills required to make a success of otherwise impossible ventures.

45 - 46This said, it was the call that came to subdue the desert, bring the gospel to the Indians, and create a buffer between Zion and Babylon that drove the colonists to accomplish the miraculous and thereby secure their own destiny and that of the kingdom. Only those who actually experienced it can know just how difficult their task was. But even they could not assess the true nature of what they had wrought, being limited in their understanding of the present and their vision of the future. Still, there was sufficient awareness to inspire a level of strength and perseverance that caused a desert to blossom as slowly civilization replaced a wilderness, and the kingdom emerged where alkali, dust, drought, sagebrush, and sand once prevailed.

46The call to settle the Intermountain West produced many heroes. People excelled despite the disasters and the repeated disappointments that competed with the good times when a harvest was sufficient, the fruit did not freeze, the rains came when prayed for, or when, against all odds at a crucial hour within a season, the dam held. At times the hero was an individual. On other occasions and in another place, it was a whole community. One such community was Santa Clara, a colony established by Swiss immigrants in 1861 along Santa Clara Creek a few miles from Saint George in southern Utah.

46Though restricted in terms of large-scale agricultural potential, the soil adjacent to Santa Clara Creek was suited to limited production of alfalfa, cotton, and grains but was ideal for row crops, fruit trees, and grapes. The latter crop was thought to be the most significant, and because of it the Swiss were selected to settle the area. Though some years were good, most of the early seasons were hauntingly bad, challenging the endurance of even the most faithful. After a series of off years during the first decade of the settlement, some of the Santa Clara Swiss found themselves so desperate for food that they sent their children into nearby St. George to beg for a place to live and work in exchange for food, literally placing themselves in a position of servitude in order to sustain life.

46 John S. Stucki, one of the original settlers, wrote of this time:

47There were some spring seasons when we did not have a thing to eat except pig-weeds cooked in a little water without anything more nourishing to go with them as we had no cow, no flour, and no seasoning of any kind, not even a bit of bread for the little children. When they would cry for some bread it seemed awfully hard for mother, suffering from the pangs of hunger herself, to have to hear her little children cry for bread and have none to give them. Every day when I had to gather the pig weeds it seemed to me I could not stand it much longer and live. 3

47Despite such humiliation and hardship, the Swiss Saints held on, renewed their efforts following each crop, dam, or weather failure and conquered the elements and themselves, thus becoming an indispensible cornerstone of the kingdom in what was then a wilderness.

47Early one day during the first difficult decade in Santa Clara, a member of the community, whose grape crop repeatedly failed because of too much sun, too little water, and too many grasshoppers, made his way through town en-route to Cedar City, where he had been led to believe potatoes might be obtained on credit. Weak and staggering for want of food, he was observed by a fellow member of the Church who invited him in for a serving of fresh bread and a gift of the remainder of the loaf when he continued his journey.

47 - 48With the help of a ride in a wagon for part of the fifty-mile distance to Cedar City, he arrived at his destination, made arrangements to acquire a load of potatoes by committing his next year's crop, and made his way back to St. George, where he hoped to obtain the loan of a wagon and a team of horses. The arrangements made, he returned to Cedar City, loaded the potatoes, and began his homeward journey. The first night out, before he reached a lower, warmer altitude, the temperature dropped well below freezing. By the time he reached Santa Clara, his load had turned into a soft, putrifying mass in the warm Dixie sun. Brokenhearted and devastated, he nonetheless stuck it out for the rest of that year and the next and for each succeeding year. In time he emerged as one of the nameless heroes of Mormonism whose life became a foundation upon which later generations successfully built, their accomplishments going far beyond what he ever thought possible. In the end, they were successful because he heeded the call and dreamed a dream. 4

48Interpersonal Relationships-An Obstacle Course in Survival

48I feel so weak and hungry now,
There's nothing here to cheer,
Except prophetic sermons,
Which we very often hear.
They will hand them out by dozens,
And prove them by the Book-
I'd rather have some roasting ears,
To stay at home and cook. 5

48Traditionally, Mormons have depicted the westward trek of the pioneers as the epic phase of their history. To have survived that long journey from East to West was to wear a badge symbolizing faith, courage, and commitment. Like a stairway to heaven, those who braved it and breached it were made equal to any and all trials or troubles by which time or fate might entreat them.

48Though persuasively presented in printed works, family traditions, and community folklore, this view of Latter-day Saint history during the post-Nauvoo era pales in comparison to the clubbing, numbing reality that was characteristically a part of the colonizing experience. Except for the incomparable tragedy associated with the first year at Winter Quarters and the unfortunate outcome of the Willie and Martin handcart ventures, there is nothing in the tale of Mormon migration to compare with the era of settlement which it spawned.

48Given the variety and the kinds of individuals thrown together during this phase of Mormon history, it is not surprising that the personal and collective physical hardships faced by the not-unwilling colonists were, if anything, equalled by the seating crises which emerged and multiplied as a product of countless interpersonal relationships gone awry.

49Sources of conflict were about as numerous as there were numbers of colonists. Had it not been for the gospel, acting both as a catalyst to draw settlers together and as oil on troubled waters as it served to ameliorate differences, there is little chance this unique kingdom-building experiment would have succeeded. But even with the influence of the gospel, some differences could only be channeled, rather than solved, and allowed to run their course. Fortunately, the Kingdom and the Cause were usually greater than the crisis, and most communities survived.

49A situation characteristic of those faced by countless other settlers was that of William Butler, who made his way to Utah, where he was baptized in September of 1850. After serving a mission to Ireland and experiencing the Utah War, William became pan of a Mormon settlement in northern Utah Territory where he took up farming. His journal reveals the following account of what his life was like before he moved to another location:

49From time to time we had losses of stock, crosses and disappointments and some enemies to contend with, which caused us to think we might do better somewhere else. About the fall of fifty nine, Allen Taylor, the bishop of Kays ward, had a farm on the Weber bottoms which he represented to be something wonderful, but it proved to be anything else but what he represented. It was a place unfit for anyone with a family to live on, subject to be overflowed with high water, and the river since that time has washed the most of it away…. Bishop Alan Taylor from the time I was appointed a home missionary, became my enemy without any just cause or provocation. Before I sold, or traded, my farm to him he was continually threatening not to allow me any water for my farm. Finally I traded it to him. After I moved [to the Taylor farm] I found myself placed right in the midst of Taylor's relations who were no better than a band of bloodhounds.

49The Taylor family were continually quarreling and fighting among themselves, and when they could not find anything to quarrel about among themselves, they would club together and go among their neighbors to fight. If their neighbor would not lend them anything they would play some mean trick on him. On one ocasion one of their nearest neighbors refused to loan his wagon to them. That night there was the tongues of five of his cattle cut out. I never in all my travels saw such a brutal trick practiced on the brute creation. 6

50A further development of community rather than individual proportions occurred in the southern half of the San Luis valley in Colorado, the site of several early colonies. Unlike most other Mormon ventures, the area was first settled by converts from the Southern States who did not travel to the Mormon heartland before their arrival at the site designated for settlement. It was perhaps the absence of prior contact and the intermingling of people and resources before the actual selection of land and the erection of a community that subsequently resulted in serious divisions within the LDS population of San Luis Valley.

50After wintering in Pueblo, a handful of southern Saints from Georgia and Alabama entered the valley during the spring and summer of 1878. Members from Utah, sent to help in the adjustment to the new environment, joined them. During the next few years, a steady stream of settlers from both the South and the West were added to the expanding Colorado colonies.

50Right from the beginning, as Church organizations developed, Utah Mormons held all prominent positions. The growing perception that those in authority were slighting southerners was made even more painful by the latter's economic and technological dependence on the more experienced Utahns. This situation was further aggravated by the tendency of both groups to settle among and with their own kind. The community development pattern which resulted was either exclusively western, with nearly all the settlers Scandinavians, or totally southern. This tendency resulted in social barriers made all the more viable by the exclusive practice of plural marriage within the Utah communities and the total rejection of the practice, if not the principle, by the Saints from the South.

50 - 51By the first decade of the twentieth century, many southern settlers had either left the Church or had been excommunicated. Though there were numerous reasons for such widespread disharmony, disunity within the Latter-day Saint community was a root cause. The overall impact of this and related problems was as devastating to the economy as it was to the spiritual well-being of the members. Of the several colonies established during the nineteenth century, all but two have either disappeared or have been absorbed by other communities. Sanford, the center of Utah Mormon activity, and Manassa, the stronghold of the southern Saints, are both active and alive, but neither is prosperous. 7

51In spite of these difficulties, the history of Mormonism in San Luis Valley, Colorado, is a success story. Though some of the early pioneers and their posterity gave up and left the area or drifted away from the Church, many did not and, as was the case with Mormon colonies everywhere, problems within, like problems without, were there to be overcome. Those who survived in Utah, Colorado, Idaho, Nevada, Arizona, New Mexico and elsewhere expressed grief for those of their number who fell by the wayside, but they also felt gratitude for the strength derived from a battle fought and a victory won. As they turned the soil of America's great western desert and faced down its sun and wind and insects, as they dug ditches and canals and built and rebuilt dams and dreams, they secured their own destiny and bequeathed the strength of their loins to all their posterity, both those who stayed on the land and the many who found their place and secured their destiny elsewhere.

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53The Arizona Temple and the Lamanites

53by Richard O. Cowan

53A new era in temple building opened with the dawning of the twentieth century. The six temples dedicated during the nineteenth century were located in the same city, or at least in the same state, as Church headquarters. The first quarter of the new century, on the other hand, witnessed the construction of temples in Hawaii, Alberta, and Arizona. The far-flung locations of these three temples reflected the geographical expansion of the Latter-day Saints, which would continue to be an important feature of Church history. Although the Arizona Temple may be thought of as typical of this new era, it does nevertheless stand out distinctively in several important ways. Furthermore, on at least two occasions it was involved in significant "firsts" in the history of the Church.

53The Temple Anticipated

53From the beginning of Arizona settlement in the 1870s, the Saints looked forward to the time when a temple would be erected there. This theme was often mentioned in sermons and was the topic of several prophetic statements. In 1897 Elias S. Kimball, as president of the Southern States Mission, paid a visit to Mesa. He expressed gratitude for the thirty-five elders from the Maricopa Stake who were then serving in his mission and prophesied that one day a temple of the Lord would be built in Mesa. 1

53 - 54At the April general conference in 1908, Frank T. Pomeroy of the Maricopa Stake presidency discussed with the First Presidency the idea of building a temple in Arizona. B y 1912, James W. LeSueur, who had become president of the stake, felt that the time had come to move forward with the temple project. He and his counselors officially petitioned the First Presidency in writing to give consideration to erecting the temple. He also discussed this matter with other Arizona stake presidents. "Each president," however, "considered that his stake had the ideal location." In conjunction with a general conference, the First Presidency called the presidents of the Arizona stakes and the California and Mexican Missions (both of which served Arizona) to meet with them in Salt Lake City. By this time, all except two stake presidents (who favored Snowflake) believed that the projected temple should be built in Mesa. President Joseph F. Smith decided that he would personally inspect sites in the Mesa area. No final selection was made at that time. The outbreak of World War I then caused plans for the Arizona Temple to be shelved for the duration.

54With the close of World War I in 1918, plans for building the temple were revived. By this time Heber J. Grant had become President of the Church. At the general conference in October 1919, President Grant officially announced that a temple would soon be built in Arizona. Fund-raising efforts had already begun. The Saints in the proposed temple district pledged $125,000, and by 1921, $110,000 had already been contributed, the largest per capita contribution to a temple in Church history to that date. Members of other churches in the area donated some $6,000. Throughout the Church, 12 September of 1920, was designated "Arizona Temple Day," and an additional $112,000 came in. The First Presidency pledged that the Church would cover the other half of the anticipated half-million-dollar construction cost. 2

54 - 55Temple Site Selected and Dedicated

54 - 55Meanwhile, President Heber J. Grant, other General Authorities, and representatives of the Church's building program attended the quarterly conference of the Maricopa Stake on 31 January and 1 February 1920. The purpose of such a large group's coming to Mesa was to choose the site for the Arizona Temple. On 1 February, the visitors from Church headquarters, together with the presidency of the Maricopa Stake, selected the twenty-acre, "Kimball tract" situated on the east edge of Mesa. This property was purchased for $20,000. The location was ideal, because the "Apache Trail," the local segment of the southern transcontinental highway, ran along the property's north boundary. Hence thousands of tourists each season would pass by the temple.

55On 28 November 1921, President Grant was once again in Mesa. In the presence of more than three thousand people, he formally dedicated the site. The actual outline of the future building was marked with branches from date palms. A large group of children, accompanied by an orchestra, sang "Jesus Wants Me for a Sunbeam," "Shine On," and "I Want to See the Temple" as they marched around the temple's perimeter strewing flowers. Anthony W. Ivins, a counselor to President Grant, remarked: "These temples do not come spontaneously, but are the result of our own labor and liberality." He commended the Arizona Saints, who were "not strong in numbers and wealth, but were nevertheless moving forward with building the temple." 3

55 - 56Designing the Temple

55 - 56The architectural design of the Alberta Temple, completed in 1923, set a pattern which strongly influenced the architecture of the Hawaii and Arizona Temples. The First Presidency had decided that these temples would depart from traditional designs in at least two important respects: they would not include a large assembly room on the upper floor, and they would not be adorned with towers. In determining the architecture for this new generation of twentieth-century temples, "the First Presidency decided to seek the advice of the most talented men available." They therefore invited prominent Latter-day Saint architects of the day to participate in an anonymous competition for the Alberta Temple's design. Seven firms submitted proposals which were placed on public display before the final selection was made. The First Presidency passed over designs which looked to the pinnacled buildings of the past for their inspiration and chose instead a "daringly modern design" for the new temple. 4

56For the design of the Arizona Temple, the First Presidency invited three architectural firms to submit proposals. The winning design was submitted by Don Carlos Young, Jr., and Ramm Hansen, who had recently designed the Utah state capitol building and who would a decade later design the Church's Washington, D.C., chapel. The temple has been described as an "American adaptation of classical architecture." It is elegant yet gracefully restrained. The exterior would be covered with glazed terra cotta tiles of glistening white. The temple itself rises above a surrounding one-story annex, and the whole structure is situated on a raised platform. Hence the design is reminiscent of the terraced courts of ancient temples. The temple's interior was arranged around a central grand staircase. As one enters the temple, the stairs with the celestial room at their top can be seen straight ahead. Before beginning the ascent, a person must first receive initiatory instructions and preparation. Before reaching the top, he or she must once again interrupt the upward progress in order to receive the further instructions and accept the sacred covenants associated with the temple endowment. Only then is one prepared to reach the ultimate goal of celestial exaltation represented by the beautiful room at the head of the stairs. Hence this staircase is a fitting symbolic representation of mankind's upward progression back into the presence of God.

56 - 57The Temple Under Construction

56 - 57The first ground was broken for the new temple on 25 April 1922, when excavation began for the basement. Arthur Price of the Church's building department arrived the following January to take personal charge as construction architect. He immediately began stockpiling materials needed for the project. The right kind of sand, gravel, and cement were carefully selected, and tests were thoroughly conducted to determine the optimum mixture to produce flawless concrete which could withstand the ravages of time. By February of 1924, the reinforced concrete outer structure was completed.

57Meanwhile, the official cornerstone-laying ceremony was conducted on 12 November 1923 by Elder Richard R. Lyman of the Quorum of the Twelve Apostles. He supervised placement of a metal box containing items of interest related to the Church in Arizona and the temple's construction. Six days later the local Arizona historical society placed its own box of memorabilia in the wall.

57Unique features of the temple's exterior were the friezes in the parapet at each corner of the building. Based on sketches by A. D. Wright of Salt Lake City, the sculptures were modeled by Torlief Knapphus, reflecting scenes he had personally observed in various pans of the world. These sculptures depict the fulfillment of Isaiah's prophecy that in the latter days the Lord would "set up an ensign for the nations" and gather "the remnant of his people" from "the four corners of the earth" and from "the islands of the sea" (Isa. 11:11-12). The friezes on the north represent the gathering from the Old World; those on the south depict the gathering of the Lord's people in America and in the Pacific islands. The gathering of the Jews is not shown, because they will gather in the Eastern Hemisphere rather than in America. 5

57Paintings by Lee Greene Richards of Salt Lake City flanked the grand stairway, serving as a reminder that this temple would provide a place where the Lamanites of the Southwest and of Mexico could come to receive sacred ordinances. The painting on the north wall shows Joseph and Hyrum Smith preaching to a group of Indian chiefs, presenting them The Book of Mormon which contains the record of their fathers. The painting on the south presents a beautiful scene in which an Indian is being baptized by a missionary elder.

57 - 58While the temple itself was being completed, attention also focused on providing beautiful grounds that would create the proper setting for the Lord's house. Tall Italian cypress trees bordered the area. Palms of many varieties provided shade. There were trees from different parts of the world. A cactus garden featured the palo verde, the Arizona state tree. Unique citrus trees with lemons or grapefruit the size of volleyballs created interest. The warm climate allowed brilliant flowers to bloom through much of the year.

58Construction of the temple sparked an unusual interest in temple worship and genealogical research. In 1924, Frank T. Pomeroy, one of the pioneer settlers in Mesa, launched the Genealogical and Historical Magazine of the Arizona Temple District. This quarterly, which depended on advertising for revenue, was distributed free of charge to hundreds of interested readers. Under Pomeroy's editorship for the next quarter of a century, it featured articles on temple work, genealogy, and local history.

58The Temple Dedicated

58At most Latter-day Saint temples, a public open house is conducted for a few days just before dedication. In the case of the Arizona Temple, however, an unusual system was arranged by which interested persons were permitted to visit the building during the last two years of construction. The First Presidency gave permission for guides to be called to conduct tours every half-hour. "Visitors would have hindered the workmen seriously," a local journalist observed, "'had not a most unselfish and effective system of handling the crowds been worked out. Instead of arbitrarily excluding all, as might reasonably have been expected, the builders of this Temple, with kindness in their hearts toward all men," provided volunteer guides. "With amazing patience and personal unselfishness," the journalists recalled,

58thousand upon thousands of questions have been answered, not once but many times. Trip after trip has been made over the building and grounds by [guides who are] busy merchants, farmers and professional men who have willingly sacrificed their own comfort and their time to be of service to others.

59Sundays proved to be most popular, up to 1500 touring the temple in a single day. An estimated 200,000 visited the site during this extended open house period. 6

59Dedicatory events commenced Sunday, 23 October 1927. From five to ten thousand gathered for a special sunrise service. A combined choir from the Los Angeles and Hollywood Stakes in California stood on the roof of the temple' s annex as they sang The Vision, a cantata by Evan Stephens, bearing testimony of the latter-day restoration of Christ's gospel. These proceedings, as well as the dedicatory services, were broadcast by a local radio station. 7

59During the next four days ten dedicatory services were held so that all who were interested and qualified could attend. Saints from different stakes were invited to each session. Spencer W. Kimball, then serving as stake clerk, sang with the St. Joseph Stake choir on Tuesday morning. Another session that evening was for children ages six through fourteen.

59Many Lamanites attended, especially a Monday afternoon session designated for them. Dozens of wagons and buggies brought Maricopa and Papago Indians to the temple. Spanish-speaking Saints came from near and far by automobile or pickup truck. Local newspapers described how "Indians with papooses in arms, greeted Mexicans, with families of children, and stood in a common belief with thousands of men, women, and children of lighter skin." 8 President Heber J. Grant repeated the same dedicatory prayer in all ten sessions. Among other things, he petitioned the Lord to bless the Lamanites

59that they may not perish as a people, but that from this time forth they may increase in numbers and in strength and influence, that all the great and glorious promises made concerning the descendants of Lehi may be fulfilled in them…and that many of them may have the privilege of entering this holy house and receiving ordinances for themselves and their departed ancestors. 9

60"The time was very near at hand," President Grant remarked, "when this people would be redeemed and fulfill all the promises made to them in the Book of Mormon." 10

60The Commencement of Temple Work

60No time was wasted in getting the temple into operation. The last dedicatory service took place Wednesday morning, 26 October, and the first baptisms for the dead commenced that same afternoon. Endowments and sealings were inaugurated the following day.

60An unusual spiritual experience contimed that Lamanites in the spirit world had a special interest in the Arizona Temple. While William Fowleli and others were waiting in the Creation Room for an endowment session to begin, he happened to glance up toward the front of the room, "and there stood a Lamanite, a splendid specimen of manhood clothed only with a loin cloth. He seemed to be looking over the congregation and the room in general." Reporting this incident, John F. Nash, a patriarch in the area, pointed out that the Arizona Temple had been built especially for the Lamanites and that all their records were there awaiting the time when they would receive their endowments and other blessings. Perhaps, he suggested, the individual seen by Brother Fowleli had been "sent ahead to look over the building and see how he would like the building and the services that were being performed."

60 - 61Frank T. Pomeroy's pedigree chart, which filled a wall, became a legend in the Mesa area. He had traced one line back to 443 B.C., the earliest record ever submitted for temple work. Many scoffed at the authenticity of this record. Not long after the Arizona Temple had opened, however, Brother Pomeroy was acting as witness while sealing ordinances were being performed for individuals in this line. He saw standing just inside the door "the dim form and smiling countenance of a personage" for whom the ordinance was being completed. Others in the room felt his presence. Pomeroy accepted this as a confirmation that his genealogy was correct.

61During its first quarter century of operation, 45.7 percent of the Arizona Temple's patrons came from the Salt River Valley, 14.1 percent from other pans of Arizona, and 40.2 percent from areas outside Arizona. Those from distant areas frequently came to the temple in groups by bus. These "temple excursions" provided good fellowship and typically were spiritual highlights in the lives of those who participated.

61In February of 1934, however, one such trip ended in tragedy. A group from the Home Gardens Ward of the Los Angeles Stake had spent four glorious days at the temple before leaving for home late Friday evening. In a driving rainstorm just after midnight, the bus missed a poorly marked detour and turned over. All but four passengers were pinned inside, six being killed. The injured were taken to a hospital in Wickenburg, twenty-six miles away.

61Jesse Ellsworth, who was badly injured in the crash, later described a remarkable spiritual experience:

61I lost consciousness at once. I did not realize anything more, until I discovered myself in a place where there were many people. One came to me and identified himself as one for whom I had done temple work. He told me my work on earth was not yet complete, and accompanied me back to my body. He brushed the powdered glass from my eyes and face, picking one piece from the side of my nose near the corner of my eye. Then he told me to open my eyes. I did so, and could see the feet of those who were working to get us out. When I looked for my companion again, he was gone. 11

61Ellsworth reported that the doctors did not give "two bits" for his chances of survival, but, following an administration by the priesthood, he had a remarkable recovery. 12

61 - 62Temple Blessings in Spanish

61 - 62An important precedent was set in 1945 at the Arizona Temple when temple ordinances were presented for the first time in a language other than English. President Lorin F. Jones of the Spanish-American Mission regarded this as the literal fulfillment of a prophetic promise he received when he was set apart as mission president two years before. Elder George Albert Smith, then president of the Council of the Twelve, declared, "You will see marvelous things transpire as affecting the Lamanite people…. These will be history-making events in the Church." 13

62Even though most members of his mission spoke some English, they did not, President Jones believed, understand the full meaning of the temple ceremony as presented in that language. He felt that the Church should provide these Saints with the opportunity of receiving the temple ordinances in their own tongue. Consequently, when Elder Joseph Fielding Smith of the Council of the Twelve toured the mission in 1943, President Jones arranged for him to meet with temple and stake officials in Mesa as well as with leaders of Spanish speaking branches in the area. Elder Smith concluded, "I see no reason why the English language should monopolize the temple session." 14 All present concurred in the recommendation that the endowment should also be given in Spanish; and Elder Smith promised his support in presenting the proposal to the First Presidency. Following the First Presidency's approval, the exacting tasks of translating the temple ceremonies into Spanish got underway. Working in the Salt Lake Temple, Elder Antoine R. Ivins of the First Council of the Seventy, who spoke fluent Spanish, and Eduardo Balderas, a translator for the Church, carried out this assignment during the coming year. "The opportunity of translating the sacred ordinances within the confines of the Salt Lake Temple," Brother Balderas recalled, "was, of course, a wonderful privilege and blessing." He testified that the "influence of the Holy Spirit…guided them in their challenging but enjoyable labors. 15

62 - 63The Spanish-speaking Saints were also making their own preparations. Some members living in the United States traveled into Mexico to trace their family genealogies. The mission office in El Paso was established as a clearing house for records being submitted for temple ordinances. President Jones' wife Ivie spent countless hours teaching classes in genealogy and helping the members to get their records in order.

63November 1945 was set as the time for the long-anticipated event. Most of the Saints had to make substantial economic sacrifice, some even giving up jobs, in order to attend. Nevertheless, about two hundred gathered, coming from as far away as Mexico City. Efforts were made to keep the costs to the Saints at the lowest level possible. Food was provided by the local Maricopa Stake. Housing was to be in the large Mezona recreation hall, which was divided by temporary curtains into three sections-men's sleeping area on one side, women on the other, and a main central area for meetings. Members planning to attend were not concerned with their personal comfort. A branch president in Mexico reported: "We talked this matter over with our members, and they said to tell you not to worry about it. They will be happy to sleep on the floor, just so they get to Mesa." 16 This, however, would not be necessary. As late as a week before the Lamanites Saints were due to arrive, sufficient bedding for such a large group had not been located. At that point a Church member stationed at a nearby army base offered the use of two hundred cots and blankets. "Don't thank me," he insisted, "thank the Lord. He is the one who prompted me to offer them, for I didn't even know you needed them."

63 - 64A special Lamanite conference was scheduled for Sunday, 4 November, prior to the sessions in the temple. President David O. McKay of the First Presidency, Elder Antoine R. Ivins of the First Council of the Seventy, Relief Society general president Belle S. Spafford, and other auxiliary representatives were in attendance. Their presence meant a great deal to the Spanish-speaking members, most of whom had never met a member of the First Presidency or a general Relief Society president before. Sunday, 4 November, was a warm sunny day. Three conference sessions convened in the Spanish-American branch chapel in Mesa, which was filled to overflowing. President McKay expressed appreciation for being present for an "outstanding event in Church history." He pointed out that other Lamanite groups had enjoyed the temple ceremonies in Hawaii, but always in English. All day Monday was spent checking recommends and securing temple clothing. The history-making Spanish temple sessions began on Tuesday, 6 November 1945. Sixty-nine received their own endowments, and twenty-four couples were sealed for eternity. A total of 798 ordinances for the living or the dead were performed during the next three days. 17

64President Jones considered the all-Lamanite conference and Spanish temple sessions to have been the outstanding spiritual event in the mission during the year:

64Many of the members who attended…came back with an entirely new concept of the Church and its meaning. The Church today no longer means a little handful of members meeting each Sunday in some poorly furnished room with little leadership, but rather a church with thousands of intelligent and trained members blessed with talents of all kinds, working together under the guidance of inspired leaders…. Truly these events have caused a spiritual awakening throughout the mission. 18

64Elder Alma Sonne, who toured the Spanish-American Mission shortly afterwards, found that everywhere he went the Saints spoke enthusiastically of their experience in Mesa. "It has given purpose and significance to the lives of those who were able to attend." 19 Ricardo Duran, from a small branch in northern New Mexico, for example, declared:

64I came from a place where there are only two families who are members of the Church. I see that here in [Mesa] there are many members of the Church…. Perhaps we are the most blessed people of all the world with the exception of those who lived during Christ's ministry…. We must now show our appreciation by doing the work for those who were not so fortunate as we. 20

64 - 65The Spanish temple sessions and the associated conference became eagerly anticipated annual events. "Hasta Mesa" ("See you in Mesa") could often be heard as members from different branches parted. Hector Trevino of Monterrey, Mexico, likened these annual excursions to the ancient Jewish custom of returning to the temple in Jerusalem each year at Passover in order to perform religious ceremonies and to renew covenants with the Lord. 21

65A highlight of the 1947 conference was the talk by Elder Spencer W. Kimball of the Council of the Twelve, in which he told of his vision or dreams of the Lamanites' glorious future:

65I see the Lamanites coming into this Church in numbers, and instead of coming in small groups of tens or hundreds, they will be in thousands. I see them organized into wards and stakes, with Lamanite people comprising those stakes. I see them filling the temples and officiating therein. 22

65 - 66Those coming to Mesa frequently demonstrated great faith as they made the sacrifices required for the trip. One man from Mexico came with his family two years in succession even though his employer did not give him permission to leave and told him he need not return. In each instance he was able to find a different and better-paying job. An older sister in Mexico City earned her living selling fruit. Having no refrigerator, she bought from the wholesaler each morning only enough fruit for that day's sales. From her meager income she set aside her tithing and a little for her Mesa fund. After several years she believed she had enough to make the trip. She took her small bag of coins to the mission office. The mission secretary found that the faithful sister had not quite enough, but, rather than disappoint her, he made up the difference himself. 23 Another group from the interior of Mexico was coming in two old buses. When one of them broke down, the group doubled up in the other bus. Then, in the middle of the desert, it burst a radiator hose so could not proceed any further. Without needed supplies, there seemed to be no way repairs could be made in that desolate spot. Nevertheless, the group prayed that the way might be provided for them to continue. To escape the heat in the disabled bus, most of the group climbed out. As they did so, they found a piece of discarded hose lying by the side of the road-just what they needed. When repairs were made, they poured drinking water from their canteens into the radiator and were soon on their way once again. 24

66In 1956 a group of ninety-five Saints from Guatemala and El Salvador traveled more than three thousand miles by bus to attend the temple. At the time of departure, some were too ill to travel, but they received priesthood blessings and had no further difficulty. Much of their journey was over unpaved dusty roads. At dusk on the sixth day they reached Mesa. The buses drove around the temple which was aglow with light coming from many bulbs hidden in the landscaping. No sight could have been more beautiful, inspiring, or welcome to these travel-weary Saints. "They spontaneously burst into singing 'We Thank Thee O God for a Prophet.'…Tears of joy and thanksgiving filled the eyes of those who had traveled so far to enter the Arizona Temple." During the trip, so great was the feeling of brotherhood that one of the bus drivers expressed a desire to have the missionaries teach him upon his return home. 25

66Over the years various refinements have been made in these Lamanite gatherings. At first the visitors attempted to cover the costs of the conference by selling tickets to pageants or talent shows. President McKay, however, stressing that the purpose of these trips should be temple work, discouraged extracurricular activities. The visitors were fed with food from the bishops' storehouses. Schedules at the temple were adjusted so that an individual could participate in nine or ten sessions rather than just three or four. By the early 1960s so many wished to come to the temple that more than one excursion had to be scheduled each year. Lucian Meacham, formerly president of the Mexican Mission, was named coordinator of Spanish temple activity. Arrangements were made for patriarchs who could speak Spanish to be available to give blessings. Eduardo Balderas and Lorin F. Jones were among the first to provide this gratefully received service. 26 Eventually dormitories were built near the temple to house more adequately the growing number of visitors.

66 - 67In recent years temples have been dedicated in various Spanish-speaking countries and other temples in the United States have provided the sacred ordinances in Spanish. Still the events in Mesa have had a worldwide impact. In September of 1955 President David O. McKay dedicated the Swiss Temple, the first temple in which English would not be the predominant language. In fact, provisions were made to present the ordinances in at least ten European languages. Just a month later, President McKay was in Mesa to address the Saints who had gathered for the annual temple excursion:

67It was because of your faithfulness and diligence [he declared], that we felt impressed to give to other people the opportunity for receiving these [temple] blessings. You are serving as an example to the members of the Church in Europe; their eyes are upon you. 27

67Making History Once Again

67Beginning with the Swiss Temple in 1955, all new temples were designed to present the instructions of the endowment by means of motion pictures. This method not only enhanced the effectiveness of the presentation itself, but also expanded the temples' capacity. Beginning with the Arizona Temple, several older temples were thoroughly remodeled to upgrade their efficiency. The St. George, Hawaii, Logan, and Manti Temples were also completely renovated during the coming decade.

67The Arizona Temple closed early in February 1974. At a cost of $3 million, the building was extensively remodeled. Four large rooms were provided where the endowment could be presented to different groups simultaneously. The temple also received a new entrance and on the south a one-story addition measuring 114 by 148 feet. The addition not only provided five times as much dressing-room space, but it freed areas in the temple itself, allowing the number of sealing rooms to be increased from four to seven.

67 - 68"Because the renovation and restructuring of the temple's interior almost created a new building, at least inside," announced Temple President C. Bryant Whiting, "it has been deemed appropriate to reopen the temple to the public and to rededicate the edifice." 28 The three-week open house began 17 March when specially invited VIPs were personally greeted by President Spencer W. Kimball. "This marks a first," he explained. "The acceleration of the work and new methods have dictated the renovation to meet the needs of the members." Some 205,248 persons toured the temple (almost the same number as before the original dedication.) 29

68More than thirty thousand attended the seven dedicatory sessions on 15 and 16 April 1975. Elder L. Tom Perry of the Council of the Twelve echoed the feelings of all present when he declared that "this is as near to heaven as we can get here on earth. May the holiness and beauty of this occasion cause us," he challenged, "to catch the spirit of remodeling, the rededication of our own lives. May we rededicate ourselves to building His kingdom on earth." In his dedicatory prayer, President Kimball referred to the Arizona Temple's unique place: "Thou didst acknowledge the role of the Lamanite, especially in this temple, and numerous of the sons and daughters of Lehi have found in these sacred precincts peace, knowledge, and solace to their souls." 30

68Following the temple's reopening, the number of ordinances performed reflected a one-third increase. At this time there were seventy-two stakes and missions in the Arizona Temple district, twenty-eight of them Spanish-speaking. Hence the Arizona Temple with its expanded capacity will continue to provide eternal blessings, not only to the Lamanites, but to all who come there.

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The Flagstaff Area

by LaMar E. Garrard

71History-Geography

71Long before Flagstaff was settled, the San Francisco Peaks served as a landmark for mountain men, explorers, and early pioneers. They rise from the Colorado Plateau in northern Arizona to a height of 12,670 feet above sea level and form the eroded horseshoe-shaped rim of an ancient volcano opening to the east. They are four in number: Mr. Humphreys, Mt. Agassiz, Mt. Fremont, and Mt. Doyle, with Mr. Humphreys being the tallest. Long before the whim man came to northern Arizona, the San Francisco Peaks were given names by the local Indian tribes and were of special significance to the Hopi Indians,

71who live in mesa-top villages sixty-five to seventy-five miles to the northeast, and whose trash heaps indicate a continuous inhabitation of the area for possibly one thousand years, [and] call the mountain Nuva-teekia-ovi, which means "the Place of Snow on the Very Top." The Hopis believe that the mountain is one of the principal abodes of the kachinas, supernatural beings which are represented by the popular kachina dolls. The Hopis go to the Peaks for certain plants and other objects for use in ceremonies, and at the very highest point on Humphreys Peak there is a crude rock cairn which has been used by Hopis for centuries as a place to deposit prayer feathers, and perform rain and blessing-bringing rituals. 1

71The peaks were named after Saint Francis by friars who established a mission at the Hopi Indian village of Oraibi in 1629, some 147 years before the city of San Francisco was named. 2

71 - 72They were important to the white settlers not only as a landmark but also as a source of water. Because of "the extreme porosity of the volcanic material of which the mountain is composed," there are "no flowing streams except in very wet years and then only for a few months of the year." 3 However, three springs at the base of the mountain served as a supply of water to the early settlers. The most productive was Leroux Spring on the southwest base of the mountain. The other two, San Francisco Spring and Antelope Spring, were located where the city of Flagstaff now stands. Leroux Spring was of special significance to early Mormon settlement of the area. The modern city of Flagstaff receives water piped from springs in the Inner Basin of the crater whose peaks form a rim. The Rio de Flag is a small seasonal stream on the south side of the mountain, running down the valley through modern Flagstaff.

72Bill Williams Mountain, named after an early mountain man, lies southwest of the San Francisco Peaks, and Sitgreaves Mountain, so called after an explorer, almost directly west. Thirty miles to the south Mormon Mountain rises on the west side of Mormon Lake: "Both lake and mountain gained their names from the establishment in 1878 of a dairy by Mormon settlers from the Little Colorado Valley-the Colorado Chiquito." 4

72Early Indian Inhabitants

72According to the late Dr. Harold S. Colton, who spent more than forty years in archaeological and ethnological research in the area and who founded the Museum of Northern Arizona, the Indian population in the area around Flagstaff reached a peak in the twelfth century and then dropped off:

72After an extensive and careful study of these ancient sites, he calculated the probable prehistoric population of the area at various dates. His estimates for the early population of what is now Flagstaff, plus the areas southeast and east of the Peaks out to the Little Colorado River, were: A.D. 600, 300; A.D. 800, 380; A.D. 975, 875; A.D. 1085, 3,764; A.D. 1160, 8,416; A.D. 1250, 612, and A.D. 1350, none.

72That twelfth century figure of over eight thousand is startling-a greater population than the area was ever to have again until the middle of the twentieth century!

73Colton's estimates also show that the increase in the prehistoric population in the twelfth century was very rapid, and the subsequent drop to the zero point was equally rapid. After that vast increase in population followed by the zoom downward, the only people in this area for centuries thereafter were a few nomadic hunters and seed-gatherers, transient war or hunting parties, and Indian travelers. The Indians did quite a bit of getting around, and commerce and other contacts between and through the various tribes was widespread, and continues to be so today. 5

73Dr. Colton concluded that three major Indian cultures converged in this area and were well established by the Christian era:

73The Cohonina came from the west and generally moved around the north side of the Peaks; the Sinagua came from somewhere-no one is quite sure where-and moved around the south and southwest sides of the Peaks; and from the northeast came the culture known today as the Kayenta. Still later, and during the height of the twelfth century population boom, a few members of a fourth culture-the Hohakam from the Valley of the Sun far to the south-moved in, settling in small villages east of the Peaks. The area, then, was a cultural frontier. 6

73Ko-ho-nina is the Hopi name for the Havasupai Indians who live in Cataract Canyon and may be related to the prehistoric Cohoninas who lived on the west and north side of the peaks. The Sinagua possibly were the original inhabitants of Flagstaff. They were a branch of the Mogollon culture from the southeast. The Kayenta, or the Anasazi (ancient ones in Navajo), were a prehistoric people from the northeastern corner of Arizona.

73Dr. Colton attributed the rapid rise and fall of the Indian population near the peaks to "the eruption of Sunset Crater a few years before or after the time of the Norman conquest of England in A.D. 1066." 7

73 - 74Ash, cinders, and lava ejected by the volcano covered Indian dwellings which were excavated in the early 1930s, and their charred wooden beams were dated by the then newly discovered tree-ring method. Prevailing winds during the eruption carried the ash generally in a broad ellipse running northeastward and southwestward about thirty to thirty-five miles in its long dimension and about fifteen to twenty miles in width. When the volcano subsided, some one thousand square miles of land had been covered with black, basaltic sand. 8

74According to Dr. Colton, the Sinaguans moved away from the mountain at the time of the eruption but came back. They found moisture under the black sand, and could raise good crops, which before had been difficult. The subsequent land rush to the area by various groups of Indians accounts for the population explosion in the eleventh and twelfth centuries. However, after a few generations the land became infertile and barren again "as the wind and rain did their work of carrying away the life-giving volcanic mulch." 9 Fanning became impossible, and the population again dropped off. Dr. Colton also postulates an increase in disease in the crowded time of peak population. "Many of the people moved southward into the Verde Valley. Others went elsewhere, and possibly some contributed their blood streams to the groups we know today as the Hopi." 10 After this departure of the prehistoric population and after a twenty-three-year drought in the late 1200s, "the Peaks were free of the presence of man except for occasional Indian travelers, or hunting war parties, until the coming of the Spanish in the sixteenth century. They established no settlements or posts in the area, with the exception of missions in the Hopi villages, but they did explore it repeatedly and thoroughly." 11

74Early Spanish Missionaries and Explorers

74Probably the first Europeans to see the San Francisco Peaks were the members of Coronado's expedition in 1540, who came up from the south through eastern Arizona to the Zuni villages. A small party from this group later visited the Hopi villages, and some went as far as the South Rim of the Grand Canyon.

74 - 75In 1580, Antonio de Espejo led a party from northern Mexico to Zufii and then to the Hopi mesas. In 1583, he traveled west and crossed the Little Colorado River at Sunset Crossing (Winslow), and then went south, past the southern end of Mormon Lake, and finally to the Verde River and the mines at Jerome. 12

75Another Spaniard who came to the area of the San Francisco Mountains was Father Garces (Francisco Tomas Hermuegeldo Garces), who came to the New World from Spain in 1763. He was sent to Pimeria Alta, where he arrived in June 1768. He "made his headquarters at San Xavier for ten years, and soon had won the love of all the tribes of Pimeria Alta." 13 He made extensive entradas into the desert country, preaching to the Indians, helping them in any way he could. Sometimes he had a guide, but often he traveled alone. He made five entradas with a definite purpose in mind:

75Father Garces wanted to win the Indians over to the Christian faith and to loyalty to the king of Spain. He thought that, with the help of the natives of Pimeria Alta, he could do great things for his country. He wanted to know all about the tribes, the numbers that each tribe had, their customs, and the land they held. He was determined to find out whether or not it would be wise to start missions along the Colorado River to the west coast. He longed to make the country safe for a roadway across to the west coast, and he wanted very much to find a pathway across from California to the land of the Hopis. During the ten years that Father Garces was stationed at San Xavier del Bac he accomplished these things. His entradas through the desert made them possible. 14

75On one of these entradas in 1776, Father Garces traveled east from California across the northern pan of Arizona north of the San Francisco Peaks. He went from Cataract Canyon eastward to a crossing of the Little Colorado north of the Cameron and on to Oraibe.

75 - 76In spite of Father Garce's friendship with his Indian "nations," he met with defeat at Oraibe, in the country of the Hopis. These people never had wanted the white man, and never had accepted the Christian faith. The Franciscan found it impossible to change their ideas. He reached Oraibe from California on his last entrada. He had gone with Anza's expedition a little beyond the Colorado, and returning to Yuma, had stopped there for a while. Then he had traveled into California, taking a new route north. Reaching the country around Bakerfield, he had trailed east across the Mojave Desert, and over to the Colorado River. Then, still trudging toward the east, he had crossed the greater pan of Arizona, and had reached Oraibe. He knew that this entrada was important. He had found what Spain wished, a northern route from California toward New Mexico. But Father Garces failed in finding a way into the hearts of the Hopis. This he wished for, more than a pathway into their lands….

76The people of Oraibe refused to have anything to do with the traveler. They gave him no food and no shelter.. They let him stay out all night in the courtyard, but told him that even this favor could not last for any length of time. Father Garces was not used to such treatment, but he knew when he was not wanted, so he made up his mind to go away from the pueblo. Before he left, the Hopis danced for him. The Father watched the performance patiently and with respect. When they had finished, the Franciscan began to talk. He preached earnestly, hoping to win them. But the natives cried, "No No!" Father Garces had reached the limit of his endurance. He had eaten nothing for two days, he had been treated like an outcast, and he could stand no more. It was time for him to go, but he showed courage even in defeat. He tells it himself: "Then I said, 'Fetch my mule,' Having arranged my things, I mounted on her back, showing by my smiling face how highly I appreciated their pueblo and their fashions." Garces left Oraibe at once. 15

76On 17 July 1781, Father Garces, with fifty other Spaniards, was clubbed to death by some Yuma Indians along the Colorado River.

76Early American Exploration

76So far as is known, Antoine Leroux was the first American who explored the area around the San Francisco Mountains. "He was to guide several of the major expeditions through the San Francisco country, and was rightfully acclaimed as one of the most reliable, skilled and experienced scouts and advisors." 16 He was a guide to Colonel Cooke, who led the Mormon Battalion from Santa Fe to California. Platt Cline refers to him as the father of Flagstaff:

76Leroux could be described as father, perhaps grandfather, of Flagstaff, because he was first to become intimately acquainted with this area, and it was on his advice that the expeditions followed the general muting through here which they did. A street in Flagstaff is named for him. The finest spring at the foot of the San Francisco Peaks was named in his honor, and no doubt he joyed in that recognition. 17

77In 1851 Captain Sitgreaves of the Corps of Topographical Engineers, U.S. Army, was sent out to explore the Zufii and Colorado Rivers. He employed Leroux as guide for his party of fifty men. From the Zuni they followed the Little Colorado past Sunset Crossing to Grand Falls. Here they left the river and followed a southwestern route just north of the San Francisco Peaks, probably the closest any expedition had come to where Flagstaff is now located.

77They saw many antelope and other game, and Sitgreaves was impressed by the beauty of the area. They were moving around the north and northwesterly sides of the mountain. At camp No. 17 they came to the brow of a cliff overlooking a green vale five or six miles in extent, and they were certainly seeing what is known today as Fort Valley. Descending, their guide took them to a spring, which a couple of years later was named Leroux Spring in his honor by Whipple. After resting, they moved westward, passed near Bill Williams Mountain, and on to the Colorado River. Their closest approach to present-day Flagstaff was Leroux Spring, seven miles northwest of the city. However, members of the party, particularly the guide, Leroux, might very well have ridden down the valley to take a look to the south and southeast. 18

77In the year 1853, Francois Xavier Aubry took a group from San Francisco to Albuquerque via the thirty-fifth parallel just north of the San Francisco Peaks. He repeated the trip in 1854. In 1853, Lt. A. W. Whipple (from the Corps of Topographical Engineers) led an exploratory expedition across northern Arizona with the purpose of ascertaining the most satisfactory route for a railroad from the Mississippi River to the Pacific Ocean. Unlike his predecessors, however, he led his expedition south of the San Francisco Peaks along the thirty-second parallel. He also went by Leroux Spring and then to Bill Williams Mountain. In 1857, Lt. Edward F. Beale also took the route south of the San Francisco Mountains in his expedition to determine the best wagon route from the Zuni to the Colorado River.

77 - 78Beale, a Western hero and comrade of Kit Carson, was appointed superintendent of the wagon road from Fort Defiance to the Colorado. The road he broke in the fall of 1857 in general followed the route near the thirty-fifth parallel surveyed by Whipple in 1853. Beale left Fort Defiance on 27 August 1857, and reached the Colorado on 18 October. In order to test the practicability of this route in winter as well as in summer, he came back from the Colorado to Zuni between 23 January and 16 February 1858. Aubry seems to have brought wagons through this region in 1853-54, but Beale now for the first time marked out a practicable highway that has been used from that day to this and has now for almost fifty years been traversed by the Santa Fe Railway. 19 Beale's expedition became famous for his use of camels in the American desert.

78Early Flagstaff

78Flagstaff, Arizona, had its beginnings approximately the same time as the Saints were settling along the Little Colorado. "The first settler in the vicinity of Flagstaff was T. F. McMillan, who built a corral just north of the present city limits early in 1876." 20 That spring, a group of emigrant Bostonians were following the Little Colorado River on their way west. They passed the new Mormon settlements along the river and were afraid the Mormons would attack them, as a result of false stories spread back east. At that time the Mormon settlers were still living in their wagons. As the emigrant group journeyed west, they left the Little Colorado and headed for the San Francisco Mountains. According to one account, an advance group camped at the spring just south of the San Francisco Mountains where Flagstaff is now located. An incident occurred there which explains why the location was named Flagstaff:

78 - 79With reference to the naming of Flagstaff, Mr. Mann is very definite. He says that, while waiting for the main party, this being late in June, 1876, and merely for occupation, the limbs were cut from a straight pine tree that was growing by itself near the camp. The bark was cut away, leaving the tree a model flagstaff and for this purpose it was used, the flag being one owned by Tillinghast and the only one carried by the expedition. The tree was not cut down. It was left standing upon its own roots. This tale is rather at variance with one that has been of common acceptance in the history of Flagstaff and the date was not the Fourth of July, as has been believed, for Mann is sure that he arrived in Prescott in June. The main section of the first party came a few days later, and was on the ground for a celebration of the centennial Fourth of July that centered around the flagstaff. 21

79Cline points out that the advance group of Bostonians actually camped at Leroux Spring and raised the flag and laid out a townsite there, rather than at the present location of Flagstaff. The second party of Bostonians, however, in June 1876 camped at Clark Ranch "between present-day Flagstaff junior and senior high schools. They were in the area for several weeks." Consequently, "they could easily have been at the present site of Flagstaff by July 4-and raised a flagstaff here, as members of the party subsequently declared they did." 22 Cline also points out that there were at least "three settlers in the general area that year, Thomas F. McMillan, Frank Hart, and Charles O'Neill, and we know that McMillan arrived in May 1876." 23

79When Wilford Woodruff traveled through the area in April of 1879, he said he "found three men at Flagstaff Springs [probably modern-day Flagstaff], building and fanning; they were raising good wheat, potatoes, early corn, squashes, and vegetables without irrigation, their altitude being seven thousand five hundred and seventy-five feet." 24 No doubt these three men were McMillan, Hart, and O'Neill. It is not the purpose of this paper to go into the details of the subsequent settlement and development of Flagstaff; since Latter-day Saints were not very involved. They were more involved in the settling and developing of the Leroux Spring area to the north and the Mormon Lake area to the southeast. Suffice it to say that "the real history of the town of Flagstaff began with the erection of a large sawmill, and the arrival of the railroad in 1882." 25

80Leroux Spring and Fort Moroni

80As mentioned previously, in 1851 Captain Sitgreaves' company had a serious problem finding water for their animals after they left the Little Colorado River at Grand Fails. "After having traveled two days without water, they sent the mules back to the river to drink, and returned with every possible container filled. Two more days of marching and they were again in dire need of water." 26 After they went around the northwesterly side of San Francisco Peaks, their guide, Antoine Leroux, took them to a spring which had an ample supply of water. Two years later the same guide led Whipple's party around the southern side of the mountain to the same spring. Whipple was exploring the possibility of railroad construction along the line he was taking. 27

80This spring is located seven or eight miles north of Flagstaff above Fort Valley. They also discovered San Francisco Spring and other springs located in the area of present day Flagstaff. The flow from the Leroux Spring was far greater than that from the other springs. In September of 1857, Beale and his exploration party, traveling west from Ohio, stopped at Leroux Spring. He allowed his animals (including the camels) to water and graze there for two hours and a half. He described the spring as "one of transparent sparkling water...; [it] bursts out of the side of the mountain and runs gurgling down for a quarter of a mile, where it loses itself in the valley." 28 In 1858, Ive's party also stopped at Leroux Spring on their journey to the east. So also did Beale on his journey west in April 1859 and on his return in July 1859. On 2 July, a member of his party described the spring as follows:

80Leroux Spring, which rises in San Francisco mountain, flows into a valley in its western side; its stream conducted by a trench down to one .of the stations of the mail company; in the trench, which is about 500 yards in length, several deep holes have been dug and walled around; the water of the spring is as clear as crystal pure and cold; throughout the year it yields as unfailing supply. 29

81Eventually, a mail company had a station or camping spot at Leroux Spring; and Fort Valley, watered by the spring, became a good place for watering and raising cattle. "No doubt during the years following Beale's last expedition, scores, perhaps hundreds, of emigrants, travelers, mail and dispatch carriers, traders, stockmen, soldiers, and others, rode or drove along the Beale wagon road." 30 Because of the Civil War, government-sponsored explorations, reconnaissances, surveys, and road building along this route ceased for awhile.

81According to Cline, the Bostonian advance group camped at Leroux Spring on 9 May 1879, rather than in the area of present-day Flagstaff. He explains that it was here that they "camped, raised a flag, laid out a town, and chose building sites at a point in Fort Valley seven or eight miles northwest of present-day Flagstaff." 31 After awhile they became discouraged and left, some going on to California and some to Prescott, Arizona.

81In 1876, Brigham Young sent an expedition to the Little Colorado settlement by way of Pearce's Ferry, which is "located a few miles east of the Nevada border, and about two miles upstream from the mouth of Grand Wash." 32 He instructed John Hunt "to build a road to the Little Colorado settlements by way of Pearce's Ferry and the San Francisco Mountains." 33 The crossing of the Colorado River on this route was downstream from the Grand Canyon rather than upstream at Lee's Ferry. This group ran into considerable difficulty, mainly due to scarcity of water. They traveled east and arrived at Leroux Spring in April 1877. An account of their arrival here is given by Cline, who quotes occasionally from John Bushman's journal, which records that his small party came from the northwest and

81 - 82"arrived at fort valey By the San francisco Mountain" [sic] on April 13. "In the west end of this valey the Boston Colony that came west in July 1876 built a stockade fort, and laid out a Town, But they only remained a short time, and abandoned the Place [sic]." His group remained at Leroux Spring waiting for another party to catch up. He walked through the valley on April 15, and noted the rich black soil. The second Mormon contingent, led by a man named Hunt, arrived on April 20…. On April 23…Bushman and three other men made a reconnaissance along the line they would take when they resumed travel. They rode southeast, and at eight miles and fifteen miles distance from their camp found two nice valleys. The first was probably Antelope Valley. "They [would be] good stock ranches some springs and a little running water in the first one." The "little running water" was probably Rio de Flag….

82In the Hunt contingent was Ida Larson. Her diary, edited by her sister May in 1933, recorded on April 20: "We reached San Francisco spring [the Mormons frequently called Leroux Spring San Francisco Spring] before dark. Here we found our friends, all well, waiting for us. We think we can all travel together here on. This is a beautiful valley at the foot of San Francisco Mt. There was a lone soldiers grave, and Flat pole or Staff." 34

82The importance of Leroux Spring was realized by John W. Young, son and counselor to Brigham Young. In 1877, to establish title to the water and the locality, he sent an expedition that included Alma Iverson, John L. Blythe, and Joseph W. McMurrin. They built a small log cabin near the spring to help hold the title.

82When Wilford Woodruff came to Leroux Spring (called San Francisco Spring by the Mormons) from Flagstaff Spring on 22 April 1879, he described the area thus:

82 - 83On the morning of the 22nd, we drove eight miles to San Francisco Springs, which have been purchased by John W. Young, who has erected two buildings and done a good deal of fencing; his house and springs at the north end of one of the finest parks, either natural or artificial, I ever saw; it contains about 4,000 acres, without stick, stone, or bush, with a soil as black and rich as the Missouri bottoms. It is shielded on the north, east, and west by the San Francisco mountains and hills, and open to the south, and is surrounded on every side by that immense forest of giant pine timber. I look upon this as one of the finest bodies of pine timber in America. There is no underbrush and the trees stand from 6 inches to 4 feet in diameter, and from 50 to 150 feet in height, and a good deal of it from 20 to 40 feet to the first limb. The whole face of the earth, both forest and parks, is covered with a heavy body of good nutritious bunch grass, even to the very top of the highest volcanic cones, that we ascended to the height of 10,000 feet, and there seems to be range enough to support tens of thousands of horses, cattle, and sheep. We rode our mules on to the top of a cone some 2,000 feet above the park, where we had a view of all the surrounding country, as far as the eye could extend, and we saw the same immense forest interspersed with parks from 100 to 10,000 acres. The altitude of San Francisco Spring is 8,040 feet; still the men eight miles south, who had spent several winters there, said they had but little snow and that the stock kept fat all the year around. All this country abounds with game. Brother Young's men had commenced plowing to put in wheat and spring crops. 35

83In 1881, John Young established a camp at Leroux Spring, the headquarters for about sixty tie cutters, working under contract for the construction of the railroad in 1881-82. These tie cutters "were camped, mainly in tents, on Leroux Prairie or Flat, below the spring." 36 At that time there were no cattle there. During the construction of the railroad, "water often was hauled to Flagstaff from the larger [Leroux] spring, at times sold for $1 a barrel." 37

83Fearing Indian raids, John Young made a stockade there, constructed of double-length ties, set on end; inside were the tents of the camp. Later a great log house was built, and the place was named Fort Moroni. After completion of the railroad, John Young raised cattle there and organized the Moroni Cattle Company. In 1883 the Arizona Cattle Company purchased Fort Moroni. Later the property was purchased by the Babbitt Brothers of Flagstaff, and the old building was tom down in 1920. Today "the great spring is used only for watering cattle, and the spring at Flagstaff appears to have been lost in the spread of civilization." 38

83 Mormon Lake Settlement

83After the Mormon immigrants settled along the Little Colorado River, they began to explore the surrounding territory. Two expeditions were sent out to Mormon Lake some sixty miles west of Sunset.

83 - 84One of the most interesting but puzzling land ventures of the settlers has come to light with the discovery of a diary by John A. Blythe which tells of the exploration and claim-making near Mormon Lake in Pleasant Valley, later home of the Mormon Dairy. Who told the settlers about this valley is not stated, but five men from Allen's Camp were sent to explore the area and make claims for the people of Allen's Camp. Two separate trips were made, one dating from August 5 through 22, and the other September 2 through 25, 1876. Sixteen claims were made and log cabins built to make good the claims which were made in the name of individuals, not the whole United Order Company. Lot Smith at Sunset heard of the first exploration of the valley, and not to be outdone, sent some of his men with the second expedition. Brigham Young also heard of the valley and wrote Smith telling him that it sounded like a good place for Mormons to claim. It soon became the scene of the thriving Mormon Dairy, and later was the center of Lot Smith 's domain, which included numerous herds of sheep and cattle and his famous band of blooded horses. Even after Smith moved to Tuba City in the late 1880s, this area remained the center of his family's stock raising activities. 39

84In his diary, John Blythe described in detail the journey to Mormon Lake, the exploration and claims made there, and the return journey. On the way to the lake they saw an abundance of wild game, which included antelope, wild turkeys, and bear. 40 Once in the timber they found a wagon track leading into the valley. Blythe described the valley:

84This valley I should judge to be about 6 miles long and about 5 wide, it is oval in shape and is longest from north to south. When you first see it, it has the appearance of one vast meddow (sic) being almost an entire marsh. The only side stripe (sic) of dry land is on the north west and south sides. The strip averages a little over 1/4 of a mile wide. There are five springs in the valley that I saw, all of them being on the west side.

84This valley is surrounded on all sides by good timber with a fair scattering of oak of a pretty good quality. 41

84Four days later he climbed a nearby mountain for a better view of the country. The mountain he mentions in the following narrative was probably that which was later called Mormon Mountain.

84Early in the morning I took a strole to the top of the mountain just west of camp to take observations, when their a fog came over the mountain obscuring all the country that I wanted to see. I saw between mists of fog a little of the country south-west of there which apeared (sic) to be broken up and well timbered, backed by a very steep rock range of mountains running nearly north and south as far as my observations could reach. 42

84 - 85From 11 August to 19 August, the party worked hard in constructing log cabins and making claims to the land, especially near the springs. It was good land, and the settlers were eager to lay claims to it. On the fourteenth, John commented:

85Just after starting to work in the morning a rain shower came up and we went to camp. After dinner the clouds looking threatening we started to work to build a house near camp. We got it 2/3 finished by supper time. The spring just north of us half of a mile has been located so we thought that we had better build a house on this side of it as the land on this side is not claimed and for another reason that if the owner or claimant is not here by the time his location runs out that we can claim the spring.

85The claim runs out on the 19th (Saturday) of this month. There is also another claim in the north east end of the valley which runs out on the same (day) which we intend to locate if the claimant does not come by or before Saturday. 43

85Before the party left the valley, they had put down eleven foundations and put up five houses. The names on the foundations of the homes were as follows starting at the north end of the valley running south on the west side: "First-foundation-Pleasant Bradford, second-foundation-Wm. W. Whipple, third-foundation-Jiels Holden, 4th-house-E. S. Westover, 5th house-H. Peter Peterson, 6th Joseph McMurrin 7th John A. Blythe, 8th Skosen, 9th Alma Iverson house." 44

85On the second trip to Mormon Lake, 2-25 September, the group finished the houses they had begun.

85As early as August 1876, exploration parties were sent out from the colonies along the Little Colorado River to find suitable timber for locating a sawmill.

85President Young had purchased a sawmill three years earlier to be sent to Arizona with the Haight company, but when the expedition failed he had loaned the mill to the builders who were finishing the temple at St. George, Utah. Lot Smith had been assured that the people of the Little Colorado Mission could have the mill as soon as they were ready for it." 45

85 - 86Frihoff Godfrey Nielson (at Sunset) recorded in his journal that on 30 August "Pres. Smith, Lake & Bro. McLaws started for timber this morning to locate a place to put the sawmill." 46 On 3 September, L. Smith and Lake returned from their explorations without finding a location for a sawmill. On the fourth another party of nine men was sent out; they returned on the tenth. "They reported having been out some 80 miles, that some 50 miles from here in a S.W. direction is a fine place for a sawmill near a spring. Plenty of good timber, Red Pine, Balsam, Oak & Quaking Asp etc." 47 They decided not to locate the sawmill them, for it was too far away. They decided instead on Mormon Lake, some sixty miles southwest of Sunset. McClintock described how the mill was transferred from Mount Trumbull in northwestern Arizona to Sunset and then to Millville near Mormon Lake.

86Seven miles south of Pleasant Valley... was the site of the first sawmill on the Mogollon Plateau, upon which a half-dozen very large plants now operate to furnish lumber to the entire Southwest. This mill, probably antidated in northern Arizona only at Prescott, first was erected, about 1870, at Mount Trumbull, in the Uinkaret Mountains of northwestern Arizona, to cut lumber for the new temple at St. George, Utah, fifty miles to the northward. This mill, in 1876, was given by the Church authorities to the struggling Little Colorado River settlements. Taken down in August by the head sawyer, Warren R. Tenny, it was hauled into Sunset late in September and soon was re-erected by Tenny, and November 7, put into operation in the pine woods near Mormon Lake, about sixty miles southwest of Sunset, soon turning out 100,000 feet of boards. Its site was named Millville. The mill, after the decline of the first settlements, passed into the possession of W. J. Hake. In the summer of 1882, it was transferred to Pinedale and in 1890 to Pinetop. 48

86 - 87On 27 September 1876 [Wednesday], Frihoff noted in his journal that "L. Smith, J. T. Woods, D. Davis, Bro. Tenny & son who arrived last Monday to set up the sawmill went out for the timber this morning to prepare for the mill. Pres. Smith expected to return by Sunday." 49 On 15 October he further added that "L. Smith and boys who went to work roads at mill site returned this morning. The sawmill got out there all fight with the exception of one of the boiler wagon wheels broke." 50 On 13 November he notes that "Bro. Woods and son came home from Mill bringing with them two loads of lumber. The sawmill commenced running 1 week ago." 51 On 17 November, Frihoff went from Sunset to Millville with L. Rogers to get a load of lumber. Upon arriving at Millville on 19 November, he describes the area as follows: "Here is fine timber and good land moist enough to grow small grain without irrigation. A rolling country very easy to log in, no underbrush and nearly level with low hills. The timber consists of Pine, oak and a little Quakingasp. The sawmill is located near a spring, the only one in the vicinity found." 52 He returned to Sunset on 19 November with "750 feet of 20 foot long lumber." 53

87Besides a sawmill, the residents of Joseph City, Sunset, and Brigham City also established a dairy at Mormon Lake in Pleasant Valley. "This area was a paradise for stock, and the camp leaders seized the opportunity to establish a dairy.... The dairy became one of their most profitable ventures. In addition to the making of butter and cheese, hogs were raised on the by-products of the dairy, and potatoes were grown there without irrigation." 54

87Evidently the members of these communities took turns working at the dairy and the sawmill. The following is an abbreviated account of Frihoff's activities at the dairy and sawmill in June and July of 1879.

8725 June Wednesday-Drove 6 mi to sawmill watered and stopped a few minutes and then drove to Dairy at Pleasant Valley 10 mi mostly the last 25 mi a rough road. Milked some 9 cows. Here the settlements of Sunset, Brigham City and St. Joseph engaged in dairying.

8726 Thursday-Milked 13 cows in the morning. Assisted in making fence around spring at dairy.

8727 Friday-Hunted rams in morning that the herd bey had let get out yesterday, found them in the timber about 1 mile from Dairy. Fencing south of potatoe patch-7 hands to work-3 yoke oxen. Did not feel well and in afternoon laid down and towards evening worked some again.

8728 Saturday-Milked 15 cows. Went a fencing potatoe field 4 men & 5 oxen to work 1/2 day, 3 men 5 yoke oxen 1/4 day & 2 men 1/4 day more.

8729 Sunday-After breakfast went and had a wash about 1 mile away in spring in potatoe field then came back and read some….

8730 June Monday-Fenced some round spring at Dairy before breakfast then ground my ax, took our wagon up to potatoe field and worked there fencing with 4 men & 5 yoke oxen. W.F.D. Berkman arrived at Dairy with cheese vats & C this p.m. We camped here at night….

87 - 885 Saturday-Worked on fence 3 men and 5 yk. oxen and 2 hands from dairy 1/2 day. C. Curtis did not work today. Assisted J. J. Adums & S. J. Sims in the cheese room making cheese got done about 1 o'clock in the night….

8812 Saturday-Milked 17 cows while Savage went to get my team up…. Drove to Sawmill and filled our water kegs and got 2 or 3 ft lumber, then drove to McNiel Spring….

8814 Monday-At sunrise started and drove to Sunset arrived about 10 a.m. 55

88While among the Saints on the Little Colorado, Wilford Woodruff visited the various settlements. He traveled to Pleasant Valley and stayed there 22-25 May 1879. Here is how he described his visit:

88We visited Pleasant Valley on the 23rd. This is the location of the dairy of the various settlements in the United Order, and is one of the finest valleys in Arizona. It is five miles in length, and three miles in breadth, covered with the best of grass, except a lake of fresh water which covers many acres, where the horses, cows, oxen, deer, antelope, and turkeys come down to drink. I was informed the deer and antelope came into the valley to drink, at times as many as a hundred antelope in a drove, and that this lake, both fall and spring, was covered with thousands of ducks and geese, the ducks remaining throughout the year. Orvil E. Bates presides over this settlement and is directing the cheese and butter making department. I took a horse-back ride in the evening with Brother Bates to take a view of the country. We saw 15 deer, 17 antelopes, and 5 gobbler turkeys during the day.

88On the 24th, we held a meeting at Pleasant Valley with the Saints. Brother Lot Smith, George Lake, and myself addressed the people. A good spirit prevailed. 56

88He also traveled ten miles to visit the Saints at the sawmill site. He described the steam sawmill as having the "capacity of sawing 10,000 feet of lumber daily"; it "stands in the midst of that vast pine and oak forest some 45 miles south of San Francisco Mountain." 57 He also said he "saw groves of white oak from the size of hoop poles to three feet in diameter and 50 feet in height." 58 Elder Woodruff held meetings here also.

88 - 89As an example of how productive the dairy was, on 22 October 1881, John Bushman recorded in his diary that J. H. Richards, John Bushman, and H. W. Despain went to the dairy with ox teams and returned with "184 bushels of potatoes, 1,000 pounds of pork, 900 pounds of butter, and 1,060 pounds of cheese, and got home after eleven days in cold weather." 59

89Besides a dairy and a sawmill in Pleasant Valley near Mormon Lake, a tannery was also established. Frihoff recorded in his diary on 13 September 1879, that "Lot Smith started for Saw Mill with Lunquist of Snowflake (a tanner) to see about the locating of a tannery. Elder W. Woodruff accompanied by Bro. J. N. Perkins arrived here this afternoon." 60 Apparently the tannery was eventually located at the sawmill at Millville, rather than at the dairy, because Frihoff recorded in November of 1880:

8912 Friday-Sawed out 10010 feet lumber. I cut up the slabs-

8913 Saturday-The pump of engine froze up and the packing where it had been broke before gave away. While it was being repaired I worked some around tannery. About 10 a.m. commenced sawing and sawed out 6698 feet lumber....

8915 Monday-Cold. Worked on water tanks for Tannery with J. Bushman. No sawing today. Some logging and working around tannery & c…. 61

89According to G. S. Tanner, the tannery "produced a light weight though not very durable leather. Joseph City evidently kept the tannery going until 1886, even after the failure of Brigham City and dissolution of Sunset." 62

89On 1 March 1881, Frihoff recorded that "S. Garn and 9 other brethren and 2 sisters started for Saw Mill from this place to make a run before the mill is moved it having been sold by the church to W. J. Flake for $4000.00." 63

89The dairy probably continued until 1884. 64 After that, Lot Smith kept cattle there for some time. However, the Mormons eventually lost their claims to the Aztec Land and Cattle Company.

89 - 90The history of Little Colorado land relations entered a new phase in 1884. During that year, the giant and freebooting Aztec and Cattle Company bought over 100,000 acres of the Atlantic and Pacific land grant. The purchase gave control to most of the railroad's holdings south of the track along the ninety miles between Silver Creek on the east and Flagstaff on the west. Paying fifty cents an acre, the Hashknife, as the Aztec Company was locally known, trailed in 17,000 head of Texas cattle and shipped m an additional 23,000. Soon vast herds were ranging throughout the entire region with no concern for section numbers or place limits. Following the herds came Texas cowboys, behind whom the Aztec Company soon took over virtual control of northern Arizona grazing….

90Coinciding with the polygamy scare of 1884 and 1885, the advent of the Hashknife found the Mormons particularly vulnerable. Launching an immediate campaign to force them out of the country together with all smaller outfits and sheep men, the company loosed a set of hoodlums upon the settlers…. In the face of this general assault, which soon became connected with the Pleasant Valley War between contending groups of cowboys and sheepmen, outlying Mormons were found to abandon their claims and fall back into stronger communities? 65

90Lot Smith vacated Mormon Lake in 1887, according to George Hochderffer. He claims Lot Smith raided Moencopi after being driven from Mormon Lake.

90The raid upon Moencopi came in the wake of Smith's forced vacating of Mormon Lake, where he had established himself in the cheese business. Besides, the s (Circle S), Smith's original brand, was the most common brand seen at the time upon the range in the vicinity of Mormon Lake. Numerous warrants, for conduct ranging from polygamy to murder, were out for his arrest. The sheriff of Apache County had in his possession a warrant for the arrest of Lot Smith that had been issued two years before, charging Smith with unlawful cohabitation under the anti-polygamy law. T. S. Hubbell, then a deputy sheriff, once arrested Smith on this charge. By presenting a pistol at the Sheriff's head, Smith managed to escape. Upon another occasion Deputy Sheriff Fletcher Fairchild and Constable B. M. Spencer, officers with the reputation of bringing in whoever they went after, arrested Smith at Moencopi and delivered him in court in Flagstaff. Smith was released for lack of evidence. As the officers were on their way to Flagstaff, night overtook them. The party went into camp near the Jack Smith Spring. Spencer, although somewhat smaller, was also a giant in stature, weighing about two hundred and fifty pounds. Spencer shackled himself to Smith as they slept. The next morning Smith helped with preparing breakfast. When the party was ready to move on, Mr. Smith politely handed Spencer his 45 Colt revolver, saying, "I was afraid that you might forget it, so I was keeping it for you." Spencer hadn't missed it. 66

91 - 92Travels of Elder Woodruff Near the San Francisco Peaks

91 - 92From March of 1879 to March of 1880, Wilford Woodruff was in northeast Arizona to visit the Saints there and also to visit the various tribes of the Lamanites. He left Utah, for he found "it necessary to go into exile because of the special effort at the time to prosecute those in Plural Marriage." 67 On 6 March 1879, he left Kanab, Utah, with William Johnson and Brigham Y. Duffin to begin "his pilgrimage and exile among the colonies of Saints and among the Indians of Arizona." 68 He crossed the great Colorado River at Lee's Ferry and journeyed on to Moencopi, where he stayed for some time. On 17 April, he continued his journey on to Black Falls, Grand Falls, and Turkey Tanks, and then arrived at Flagstaff Springs (probably the site of present-day Flagstaff) on the twenty-first. On 22 April he traveled north eight miles to Leroux Spring (called by the Mormons San Francisco Spring). After a stay here he evidently went back to Moencopi and still later went down the Little Colorado River to the settlements there. In May he visited the sawmill and dairy settlement in Pleasant Valley. He spent the rest of the year visiting the settlements of the Saints and various Indian tribes in eastern Arizona and western New Mexico. "He also helped the brethren in the fields, dressed buckskin, and did everything that came in his reach. The last days of 1879 were passed with John W. Young, and other brethren. They visited the different wards, held conferences, and gave encouragement to the people." 69 On one trip with Lot Smith, he "traveled through the mountains where the snow lay a foot deep. The weather was very cold and the wind was piercing." 70 The slept on the ground using, nine limbs to shield themselves against the chilly wind. On one occasion Lot Smith had to get up and build a large fire to prevent the horses from freezing. Concerning the last days of 1879, when Elder Woodruff was in the mountains near San Francisco Peaks, he spent considerable time listening to the Spirit of God:

92During those days in Arizona, away from the turmoil and busy scenes of his former active life he had opportunity to give himself up to the inner workings of the human soul. It was not only an opportunity to rest, but it was an abandonment to the workings of the spirit of God in the wilderness of Arizona, from which he gave out some of the most inspiring utterances of his life. 71

92In January 1880, Elder Woodruff again left the settlements on the Little Colorado River and spent some time in the wilderness west of Sunset near the base of the San Francisco Peaks. Again, the Spirit of God rested upon him and gave him great revelations:

92It was here in this shepherd's tent that he felt the solemnities of eternity resting upon him and desired to know the mind and will of the Lord concerning the Apostles and the nation, and especially the purpose of the persecutions against the Saints of God. On the 26th of January in his journal he says: "I went to bed filled with prayer and meditation. I fell asleep and remained in slumber until about midnight, when I awoke, the Lord then poured out His spirit upon me and opened the vision of my mind so that I could comprehend in a great measure the mind and will of God concerning the nation and concerning the inhabitants of Zion. I saw the wickedness of the nation, its abominations and corruptions and the judgments of God and the destruction that awaited it. Then I also comprehended the great responsibility which rested upon the Quorum of the Apostles. My head became a fountain of tears, and my pillow was wet with the dews of heaven. Sleep departed from me. The Lord revealed unto me the duty of the Apostles and of all the faithful elders of Israel. 72

92This great revelation was submitted to the Quorum of the Twelve shortly before the April conference of 1880. It was accepted by that quorum as the word of the Lord. 73

92 - 93The next day, 28 January, he again received another remarkable vision. The subject of this revelation was "the destiny of our nation and of Zion." 74 His pillow was again wet by a fountain of tears as he beheld the judgments of God upon the wicked. As a result of this revelation, he was impressed to tell the elders to warn the people of the earth. He spent eleven days near the San Francisco Peaks in the snow, sleeping upon the earth in a shepherd's tent. After these experiences there, he returned to the settlements; and on 3 March 1880, with Lot Smith as a companion, he headed back to St. George and eventually to Salt Lake City.

93Summary

93Today there is not a Mormon settlement at Leroux Spring nor at Mormon Lake. There are members of the Church in wards in Flagstaff; however, they are not the outgrowth of early Mormon settlement in the area. The significance of Flagstaff and the San Francisco Peaks to the Latter-day Saints is one of past history: to those of us who travel through the area, it is a reminder of our pioneer ancestors who went through so much in an attempt to follow Brigham Young's counsel to spread the kingdom of God on the earth by settling there.

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97Traveling the Honeymoon Trail: An Act of Faith and Love

97by H. Dean Garrett

97History is the product of human events, events represented by struggles, pain, sorrow, and sacrifices, as well as happiness and joy. The uniqueness of the history of the members of The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints in Arizona, however, lies in the courage and the faith that it took to keep all of God's commandments, including eternal marriage. The Arizona Saints desired to do whatever was needed, risking life if necessary, in order to be married in the Lord's temple.

97The settling of Arizona put the Saints in an area of isolation. Most of the settlers were young and energetic. 1 Yet they and their children were isolated from the opportunity of eternal marriage. In 1877, the ordinances of the temple were brought closer to Arizona with the dedication of the St. George Temple.

97The first trip to the temple took place in the fall of 1881. A diary account states:

97That fall these mules were on their way to Utah, drawing one of five wagons making the trip over Lee's Ferry. This was the first wedding party from Arizona to go north to a Utah Temple, but so many future ones were taken across this ferry that the road was dubbed by Will C. Barnes, "The Honeymoon Trail." 2

97 - 98Adolf Larsen (who married May Hunt) was captain of the first group, which also included Emma Larsen and Jessie N. Smith. During most of their twenty-day trip to St. George, they enjoyed fair weather. Adolf and May were married on 26 October 1881, and they were back in Snowflake by 5 December 1881.

98This trip was the first of many. The motivation of each participant was the same: to keep the commandment of God. An examination of the struggles and difficulties faced by those who traveled the Honeymoon Trail gives insight into the faith and dedication of the Mormon settlers in Arizona.

98Historical Background

98The colonization of Arizona was among the last planned and carried out by Brigham Young. 3 Jacob Hamblin had been sent to northern Arizona by Brigham Young to work with the Indians, giving him the opportunity to travel through the Arizona strip on the Little Colorado River Plateau several times. His reports to Brigham Young were quite favorable. He thought that the Mormon community should be developed around the San Francisco Mountain area. 4

98In spite of Bishop Roundy's report, Horton D. Haight, with another substantial company, was sent to Arizona in April 1873. They crossed the Colorado River at Lee's Ferry and proceeded along the Little Colorado Plateau. They were extremely surprised at the barrenness of the land and the lack of water. His report to Brigham Young was also negative. At one point of the trip he said,

98We see nothing better ahead of us. The river closes in again above the upper bottom, the hills are red and bare, we have had heavy winds nearly every day, at times enveloping us in Storms of Sand. With the poor feed and bad water, our animals are failing…passing, we noticed the water failing; at the upper fails there was but little. At the lower or black fails it had stopped running. 5

99The Haight party decided to report to Brigham Young the dreariness of the land and the difficulty they would face in settling it, for, as one of them said, "From the fast we struck the Little Colorado, up 150 miles, it is the seam thing all the way, no fit place for a human to dwell upon…The most desert lukkin place that ever I saw, Amen." 6

99Eventually, the decision was made by Haight and his people to return to Salt Lake and report the problems they had encountered on their mission. Their decision caused considerable controversy with leaders of the church. Brigham Young still wanted Arizona colonized.

99Other attempts were made, but they were unsuccessful because of Indian problems and other struggles. However, "Brigham Young was not to be denied his colonial venture in Arizona. Though his knowledge of the area might be inconclusive, he knew that there was a large body of land beyond the Colorado, and he felt there must be favorable places for settlement if they could be located and he could find the right leaders." 7 He finally chose a man by the name of James S. Brown, to whom he gave the right to choose whom he wanted to go to Arizona with him, but he gave him very explicit directions not to choose "any babies." 8 Eventually fourteen men were chosen; they made their trip in November 1875, reaching the Little Colorado Plateau, Moenkopi, on 3 December 1875, where they established a fort at Tuba City. With four others, Brown explored the Little Colorado. They saw the land quite differently than the others before them. For instance, about twenty-two miles above Sunset Crossing, Brown reported that

99we still find the water increased and Quality Improved so with the extent of land and all things considered we thaut we could recommend the Country for Settlement; and not withstanding our desire to see the country hire up Still the whisperings of the Spirit said return, so we started back. 9

99 - 100Brown returned to Salt Lake City in January 1876 and reported to Brigham Young his findings. At that point, Brigham Young made the decision to settle the Little Colorado, and he appointed James S. Brown the leader of the Little Colorado expedition.

100It is important to recognize that those called to the Little Colorado River Settlement viewed themselves as missionaries. Their purpose in going was two-fold: (1) to do work among the Lamanites, and (2) to establish Mormon settlements in the Arizona Territory. It therefore came as a surprise to many to receive the call, but the response was always a faithful yes. C. L. Christensen responded in this way when he heard his name read by the bishop:

100Preparations were made in a hurry, I did not even know the direction to go but trusted that it was some good place where we would become one and do all things as the Lord had revealed; this was my only desire and thought. 10

100The distance to the Little Colorado settlement was over six hundred miles. The first pan of the trip was over good roads, from Salt Lake, through Lehi and Payson, continuing through Richfield and Panguitch, and then passing through Orderville and Kanab. From that point on, travel became very difficult. The road to Sunset was not an easy trail. Many of them traveled over to Johnson's Valley, then down to House Rook Springs, traveling along the Vermilion Cliffs, to and across the Colorado River, up the Hog's Back to the plateau, then down across to Bitter Springs and Limestone Tanks. They proceeded to Willow Springs, and then to Moenkopi, where they made connections with the Little Colorado River. They followed the Little Colorado River from Black Falls to Grand Falls and continued on across the plateau to what is today called Winslow.

100 - 101Many of the Saints continued their travels into Sunset, Brigham City, Allen's Camp, and Joseph City. There they made their camps and established their homes. Not long after these settlements were established, the Saints moved into Snowflake, Taylor, and Show Low and established homesteads there. 11 The settlement of Arizona continued into the areas of St. John, Springerville, across the Mogollon Rim into the Gila Valley, where Thatcher and Pima became major Mormon settlements.

101Back to the Temple

101Not long after the Saints had established themselves in Arizona, the St. George Temple was completed (1877). This temple gave the Saints the opportunity to be married for time and all eternity. It meant, however, that they had to travel back up over the trail to St. George, a long journey that took as much as six weeks. Yet it was one that many of them made willingly and gladly. A review of some of the journals of travelers who passed through this area helps us understand the challenges faced in traveling up the Honeymoon Trail to the temple.

101If a couple in Snowflake decided that they were going to be married and wanted a temple marriage, they prepared themselves to travel that long, hard journey. They procured a wagon and a good team of mules or horses. They were either married civilly and then made the trip to St. George, or they took members of their family with them as chaperons and traveled to the temple and were married. They passed through Holbrook to Joseph City, where they possibly spent a day or two visiting with the Saints. From Joseph City, they passed Brigham City and Sunset and continued northward up the Little Colorado, where they soon arrived at Grand Falls, a spectacular sight on the Little Colorado River. One traveler described them as "the greatest perpendicular fall,…about eighty feet." They saw

101several ruins in the vicinity of these fails. Some of the walls are two feet thick and stand ten or twelve feet high. They are built of rock. The old broken earthen ware scattered about the ruins still retains its bright colors and give evidence of people more enlightened than the present occupants .of the country who once lived and flourished here. Their mark is found tn many places in Arizona and show that portions of the territory were densely populated at some past time. 12

102The biggest problem in traveling through this country was water. When there was water in the Little Colorado River, it was usually not fit to drink. As one traveler found, "The water in the river was very muddy we filled a 7 gallon kettle to settle over night and in the morning there was only an inch of clear water so we had to make the best of it. 13

102The windstorms and sand were also a problem that had to be contended with as people traveled up along the Little Colorado. There was little grass to feed the animals; and if there was rain or snow, it could be a very muddy, hard trip. In July 1879, one traveler described this area as follows:

102We found but little Grass and no water to speak of, occasionally there was a little in holes along the bed of the river but it was so salty that it could not be used. We dug near the mouth of some of the large washers that came in where we found some water that was a little better…. At the crossing of the river we found a little in a hole but it was very salty. On the 30th we found enough at Grand Falls to fill a ten gallon Keg. At Black Falls we found a little but it was not fit to use as the fish had died in it and it smelt very bad, like carrion. 14

102As the couple traveled on up the Little Colorado, they came to what they called Black Falls. From this falls, they veered off the Little Colorado, climbing onto the plateau to Moenkopi, an interesting little area. Although dry, it had been inhabited and maintained by Mormon settlers. In September of 1878, Jesse N. Smith described Moenkopi this way:

102The wash showed signs of a recent heavy freshet. We left Mowabby a few miles on our left hand. We could see a patch of green near the sandstone hills from Willow Springs. We came upon a region of veritable bad lands. The Moenkopi village comprised a few missionaries to the Indians with their families. It was situated on a southern slope of a hill and they got water from a spring in a ravine, where some gardening was done. A Moqui Indian named Tuba owned the place. He was a member of the Church and with his wife had received his endowments in the temple. 15

102 - 103After a brief visit with the Saints in Moenkopi, they continued their journey through some very desolate country to Willow Springs. At Willow Springs, one of the major stopping points along this route, they usually found water with some grass. As they explored the rocks around the springs, they found the names of previous travelers carved in the rocks. Perhaps they took the time to carve their own names and their destination for others to read.

103Wilford Woodruff described the country as

103a strange country of a barren desert of rocks, sand hills, mounds, gravel beds, and many curious rocks…. The hills are of thin slate in a decayed state, rocks are in every shape of men, women, children, and palaces. The country is without water, grass, or soil. 16

103Sixteen miles up the road, they arrived at a place called Bitter Springs, described by one traveler as a place where "we did not find enough water for our stock and what little there was was very bad and not fit for use." 17

103They continued their travels to Navajo Springs, where again they procured water for their stock and personal use. Then came the most difficult part of the whole journey. They had to somehow cross the Colorado River. The leadership of the Church very early recognized the need for passage across the Colorado River if they were going to colonize Arizona. When Jacob Hamblin was exploring this country, he took a boat with him by wagon from St. George and looked at various places along the Colorado for crossings. He crossed at Pierce's Ferry on what is today the Arizona-Nevada line. Then he tried to cross the Colorado at the place where the Paria River flows into it, as well as at other places. It was not until 1864 that he crossed at what today is called Lee's Ferry. After he had made a second crossing at Lee's Ferry in 1869, the leaders of the Church sent a party of men to establish a fort there in 1870. In October 1871, a regular ferry service was operating to take care of the Saints as they traveled into Arizona. In 1872, John D. Lee settled in the area and became the owner and operator of the ferry service. He ran the ferry for many years until the time of his death. His fee was $1 per wagon and 25 cents per head of cattle to cross on the ferry.

104Those going to the temple had a challenge opposite that of those going to an Arizona settlement-that is, getting down to the river. They had to travel a very steep, difficult hill from the top of the plateau down to the river basin. Jesse N. Smith described Lee's hill, or Lee' s backbone, as follows: "The ascent was bad and the descent difficult and dangerous, the worse road I ever saw traveled with vehicles." 18

104Wilford Woodruff, who visited this area several times, in his diary described the backbone as

104The worst hill Ridge or Mountain that I Ever attempted to Cross with a team and waggon on Earth. We had 4 Horses on a waggon of 1,500 lb. weight and for two rods we Could ownly gain from 4 inches to 24 with all the power of the horses & two men rolling at the hind wheels and going Down on the other side was still more Steep rocky and sandy which would make it much worse than going up on the North side. 19

104The trip down the backbone and across the river tested one's resolve to continue the trip. As one weary traveler observed,

104If Mr. Lee had a backbone as bad as that I surely pity him. It didn't seem possible for the horses to pull the wagons up as the road was so sleep and the boulders so big, and it was just as bad on the dugway on the other side. Everyone who ever came over that piece of road had great cause for thankfulness they were not killed. 20

104Once at the river, the wagon and the animals were loaded into the ferry, and they carefully proceeded across the river. Very few accidents occurred on the river. There is, however, one account of a fatality taking place. John Bushman recorded that while

104crossing on the big ferry boat, the boat dipped water and their buggies, men and all were swept off the boat. Brother Roundy was drowned and Pres. Wells and L. H. Hatch had a narrow escape. 21

104One journal account also shows that the river froze over. In January of 1878, Erastus Snow told of crossing the Colorado River:

105The Colorado River, the Little Colorado and all the springs and watering places were frozen over. Many of the springs and tanks were entirely frozen up, so that we were compelled to melt snow and ice for our teams. We (that is J. W. Young and I), crossed our team and wagon on the ice over the Colorado. I assure you it was quite a novelty to me, to cross such a stream of water on ice; many other heavily loaded wagons did the same, some with 2500 pounds on. One party did a very foolish trick which resulted in the loss of an ox; they attempted to cross three head of large cattle all yoked and chained together, and one of the wheelers stepped on a chain that was dragging behind, tripped and fell, pulling his mate with him, thereby bringing such a heft on the ice that it broke through, letting the whole into the water; but the ice being sufficiently strong they could stand on it and pull them out one at a time. One got under the ice and was drowned, the live one swimming some length of time holding the dead one up by the yoke. 22

105On that same trip Antione Ivins recited the episode that a herd of cattle was taken across the ice by "throwing each animal, tying its legs and dragging it across. One man could drag a grown cow over the smooth ice." 23

105The happy travelers then continued their journey along the Vermillion Cliffs. The trip from there to House Rock took them through some very dry country. Fortunately, there were springs about a day's travel apart that provided water and food for their teams. When they arrived at House Rock Springs, they were reminded how fragile life was and the sorrows of parenthood. Off to the side of the road was a small grave containing the body of a year-old baby who died on her mother's lap as they journeyed down the Buckskin Mountains on their way to settle in the Little Colorado Plateau. Fellow travelers helped the mother prepare the body for burial, while others built the casket and dug the grave. After a short but faithful service, the child was buried and the company moved on. As those going to the temple passed that little grave, they were reminded of the cost of settling that land. 24

105 - 106The next challenge they faced was the climb at the Buckskin Mountains. Following the climb, they traveled to Jacob's Lake, then turned north toward Kanab. After resting at Kanab, the next major stop was Pipe Springs, where they found a well-fortified oasis, it having been established as early as 1863 by Dr. James M. Whitmore. Dr. Whitmore was killed by Indians in 1866, and the land was purchased by President Brigham Young. It became the headquarters for the Winsor Castle Stock Growing Company. A fort was built, and the springs and surrounding land were developed for the use of those assigned to tend the cattle and for the care of weary travelers. It was a station of the Deseret Telegraph, the first telegraph in Arizona. 25

106The naming of Pipe Springs has a colorful tradition. It is purported that on 3 October 1858 Jacob Hamblin and a company of explorers camped on the site of the springs. "William Hamblin, Jacob' s brother, was a member of the band and often bragged of his skill with a rifle. Some of his companions decided to play a trick on him using his pride as a marksman for bait. Tradition has it that a silk handkerchief was hung from a limb of a tree." 26 After several attempts to hit the silk handkerchief, William Hamblin realized that he had been set up and became intent on showing what he could do.

106He took a pipe from one of the instigators, stepped off fifty paces, set the pipe down, and returned to his original position. He drew a bead and fired. One version of the story relates how William Hamblin shot out the bottom of the pipe bowl without touching the sides. In this humorous way, Pipe Springs got its name. 27

106The next morning the travelers were on their way again. St. George was now just a little more than a day's travel. After they had been to the temple and been married, most of the couples spent time visiting friends and relatives in the southern Utah area. 28 Then after three or four weeks, they packed up and began the long journey home. They tried to get to Arizona in time to plant the spring crops and organize a home.

107Experiences on the Honeymoon Trail

107The trip to the temple at times included a great deal of excitement. In addition to the difficult terrain, there was always the danger of Indians and bandits, plus other man-made and man-caused adventures. Journals and other records reveal some fascinating experiences by the happy travelers.

107Silas Smith went to the temple in November of 1886 to marry Maria Bushman. Because of the crackdown on polygamy, the trip had to be taken in secrecy. The roads were wet and muddy with stormy weather, and traveling was slow, but they were finally married on 10 November 1886. On their way back home, their horse became lame, and they had to administer to it to heal it. They were also made very nervous by two heavily armed men who followed them for a day. The next day when they woke up the men were gone. 29

107Margaret Ellen Cheney and Joseph Lewis Brewer had a very difficult time getting to the temple:

107After a courtship of approximately two years, they were married in Pinedale by Bp. Peterson, and early next rooming, this couple in company with Adam Brewer and Jesse Kay and Jesse Kay's wife, left by team and wagon for St. George Temple. It took three weeks to make the trip because the Jesse Kay team kept wandering back toward home each night they camped out. 30

107Wilmirth Greer and Elijah Reeves Devot had an unusual experience with their horses. They were married in the Temple on 31 December 1980, then with another couple began their return trip to Springerville. It was an uneventful trip until they had the misfortune of two of their horses being killed by a train, one horse out of each team. No account was given of how the accident happened. They put the two remaining horses on one wagon, leaving the other wagon. Mr. Dewitt went back later to retrieve the other. 31

107 - 108Wild animals were also challenging and produced fond memories of the honeymoon trip. Loretta Ellsworth Hansen and Hans Hansen, Jr., had an experience with wolves as they traveled with her brother, Frank, and his fiancee. Loretta related the experience

108One morning, way out on the desert, the boys were greasing the rear wagon, we girls, at the other washing dishes, found ourselves completely surrounded by large prairie wolves. We lost no time climbing into our wagon and the boys killed wolves as long as their ammunition lasted. It was a thrilling sight to see about fifty large wolves lined up like soldiers. At the sound of the gun they would jump back a few paces still facing us, then they would step forward again. The howling of the wounded, and the firing of guns finally frightened them away. 32

108A review of the journals reveals very few troubles with the Indians, but when hostile contact did take place, it was frightening. Avis LaVern Leavitt Rogers and George Samuel Rogers were married in January of 1896. In August 1897, they traveled to St. George by team and wagon. It was described as a hard seven-week trip. On their return trip, they had problem s crossing the Colorado River due to high waters. They were eventually able to travel through Flagstaff and camped about five miles out of town in the pines. Aris Rogers told of their experience:

108We had had our evening meal and were prepared for bed. While we were kneeling in prayer we heard this terrible whooping and yelling and thundering of horses hooves. The temptation was just too great and I couldn't resist taking a peak. I turned my head just enough so I could look out the comer of my eye-my heart beat about three times faster than it should-three Indian braves, all painted up, were riding in on us just as hard as they could ride. How he did it, I will never know, but George not even hesitating to take a peek just kept right on praying and asking Heavenly Father to protect us from these Indians. They rode right to the wagons before they reigned up. They were so close we could almost feel the breath of the horses as they sat down on their hind legs to stop. The Indians looked in and saw George praying, they gave a whoop, whirled their horses around and left. We could hear them yelling as they rode away. Needless to say, we had a great deal to be thankful for that night. 33

108 - 109Indians also created some memories for Julia Ellsworth West and Ezra West, who traveled in a light wagon, most of the time alone. When they reached the Colorado River they had to take their wagon apart in order to cross the river. During that crossing they nearly drowned in a whirlpool but were saved by the ferryman. Years later, the ferryman himself was drowned in a whirlpool. Julia related the experience as follows:

109Part of the way we had company. One time when we were alone, Ezra had to go quite a way to find the horses. He left his six-shooter in the seat for my protection. Not long after he was out of sight a band of Indians, on horseback, surrounded the wagon, and poor little, trembling sixteen-year-old Julia had to face all that war paint alone. They asked for something to eat and I showed them the almost empty lunch box, and after a while, they decided to leave, much to my relief, but bein used to Indians I was not as frightened as I otherwise might have been. 34

109Sometimes there was an opportunity to assist other travelers as they made the trip. Eliza Ella Parkinson and Henry Martin Tanner, on the way home after they were married on 25 January 1877, one morning saw a team of stray horses. After determining that the horses belonged to a wagon company a few days ahead of them, they decided that Henry would take the horses to their owners.

109Eliza had to drive the team that day, tho the wind was blowing a perfect gale. Trees were uprooted and were falling all around. One fell across the trail that served as a road, right in front of her team. This greatly frightened the horses but she managed to control them and drove around the tree and back into the mad. When she reached camp she had to go to bed at once with a sick headache and said that was the hardest day she had spent. 35

109The practice of polygamy caused some unique situations for those going to the temple. David K. Udall started on a second wedding trip on 6 May 1882:

109 - 110It was in another covered wagon, but this time it was to increase not to begin my family circle. Ella [his first wife] showed her good sportsmanship by complying with my urgent request that she go with us to the St. George Temple in Southern Utah were Ida and I were to be married. It was an unusual trip. The girls read several books aloud as we jogged slowly over the desert. Baby Pearl was talking and proved to be our safety valve in conversation. At night in my roll of camp bedding I slept on the ground guarding the wagon in which my precious ones were sleeping. In contemplating the future, as I lay there under the stars, I realized that I was placing myself in the crucible to be tested for better or for worse. 36

110Examples of those who had to travel to the temple in secret so as to prevent arrest were Lucy Jane Flake Wood and Peter Wood. Because of persecution, Lucy accompanied her mother and brother on a trip to Beaver, Utah. On the way back they stopped in St. George, where Peter sneaked into the temple, and he and Lucy Jane were married 17 November 1887. Then they separated again at the gate; each returned home separately. Peter rode to St. George (and home again to Snowflake) on a horse. 37

110Even after they arrived at the temple, they faced some of the same problems that excited newlyweds face today. Ellen Johann Larsen Smith recorded the following experience:

110I left there (Snowflake) 27 September, 1886 on my wedding trip to the St. George Temple. After arriving in St. George we waited for my recommend to arrive. It was suggested we have a civil marriage, but we both felt that as we had come so far to be married in the temple we would wait. On 10 December 1886 I became the wife of Silas Derryfiled Smith. 38

110However, one couple observed a great advantage in being able to go to the temple in a wagon pulled by well-trained stock. On 4 October 1886, William Ellis Stratton and Minnie Kartchner began the trip to St. George to be married. Both of them had fond memories of this trip. Brother Stratton observed: "One thing about it, I didn't have to keep one hand on the wheel as I would have to do with modern travel." 39

110 - 111Summary

110 - 111The necessity for trips to the St. George Temple arose from the deep faith of the Mormon pioneers in the eternal nature of marriage and the sealing power of the priesthood. They knew within their hearts that the act of marrying had tremendous implications in their own lives, as well as in the lives of their descendants. Thus they were willing to make the long, grueling trip to the temple. The trials they experienced, the memories they gained, and the happiness they anticipated only added to the stories they told of it. They knew that it was the fight thing to do. Thus their descendants could echo what the daughter of one traveler reported: "She always told us what a wonderful trip it was." 40

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113The Little Colorado Settlements of 1876

113by Melvin J. Petersen

113Students of early Arizona colonization along the Little Colorado River are intrigued by the fact that of the four original colonies established in 1876, only one continues to exist. Interest increases when early beginnings of the four colonies, Allen's Camp, Obed, Sunset, and Ballinger's Camp, reflect so many similarities that it would be natural to conclude that if one succeeded, all would succeed-or if one failed, all would fail. This paper examines major influences that affected the colonies, to see if perhaps some factors can be separated that will help determine survival or failure.

113In January of 1876, President Brigham Young assigned the Quorum of the Twelve to call two hundred missionaries to go to Arizona. He instructed the Twelve that those called were to be the right kind of men, that there should be no "babyism" in the mission. 1 President Young's unusual remarks concerning those who were to be selected for an Arizona mission can better be understood when a brief history is given of attempts by the church to colonize Arizona.

113 - 114Early Attempts at Colonizing Arizona

113 - 114 Jacob Hamblin was called as a missionary to the Indians at the October conference of 1853. His missionary efforts had taken him into Arizona among some of the Indian tribes. The Navajos had at times been troublesome, and Jacob Hamblin had been a great moderator in keeping problems to a minimum. As the Indians became peaceful and permitted others to occupy their lands, the Church leadership envisioned colonization of the Little Colorado area. 2

114In 1872 Brigham Young sent out the Arizona Exploring Company under the leadership of Bishop Lorenzo Roundy. Jacob Hamblin was a member of the group. They explored the Little Colorado River and the River Verde to recommend possible sites for colonization. Although their report was not negative, it lacked positive assurance that colonists would succeed in the areas scouted. Brigham Young was adamant; and in the spring of 1873, not many weeks after the Arizona Exploring Company had returned, he sent a company led by Horton D. Haight into the Arizona region with the possibility of colonizing. The country was unfriendly and undesirable to them; they returned with a negative report for the Church leader. Disappointed with the Haight expedition, Brigham Young refused to accept their report as final. George Q. Cannon reflected Brigham Young's attitude towards the colonizing of Arizona in a speech he gave in the Tabernacle in Salt Lake City in August of 1873:

114Arizona has been mentioned. The President in his remarks this morning, alluded to Arizona, and to the labors of our pioneering brethren in that territory…. He has the spirit of the pioneer in him as much today probably, as he ever had. I am thankful that God fills him with this zeal and strength. I believe it was a true remark, that if he had been in Arizona, there would have been good places found for settlement. 3

114Elder Cannon reminded the Saints that they were not expected to fail when sent on missions:

114We have had a reputation, heretofore, of accomplishing everything of this kind that we undertook. But let us be fainthearted and we lose our influence and power both with God and man. All our labors have to be works of faith. 4

114 - 115In February 1874 an expedition left Kanab, but because of Indian uprisings they turned back. 5 6 James S. Brown, an experienced explorer, made a rather careful exploration of northern Arizona. A missionary to the Indians, he desired to get acquainted with Indian country. He explored the Little Colorado River area and went into northwestern New Mexico. Reports from both Jones and Brown being favorable, Brigham Young assigned the Twelve to find two hundred missionaries for Arizona. On 22 January 1876, Brigham Young gave instructions to the missionaries called to go to Arizona. He warned them of rough, rugged roads and the need for resourcefulness in providing for their necessities. 7 The missionaries or families were organized into four companies of fifty, with Lot Smith, Jesse O. Ballinger, George Lake, and William C. Allen as leaders. The missionaries were called primarily from northern Utah and the Salt Lake area, with instructions to go to Kanab, where they would gather for their trek into Arizona. 8 The leading teams reached Sunset Crossing on the Little Colorado 23 March 1876; others followed during the weeks to come. They all traveled east the following day to a point about three miles east of present-day Joseph City, where a general council was held. They explored the area and selected town sites. It was decided that William C. Allen should go down the river to a location about one mile east of present-day Joseph City. George Lake would go across the river approximately four miles south of the Allen settlement. Lot Smith moved his group back to Sunset Crossing and selected a spot a little below that crossing. When Jesse O. Ballinger arrived, he selected a locale across the river from Lot Smith's site. 9 The only other occupants of the area were Hopi and Navajo Indians, who were friendly and did not seem to be alarmed at the arrival of their new neighbors. 10

115 - 116Joseph City was founded officially on 24 March 1876. Because the settlers needed to provide food for themselves from the soil, John Bushman, one of Joseph City's original colonists, plowed ground the day after their arrival. 11 He reported that the land looked salty. Time was precious, and the settlers hastily made preparations for crops. An irrigation ditch was surveyed and a diversion dam established so that wheat could be sowed on April 3, just ten days after their arrival. 12

116The colonies received names as follows: George Lake's camp was named Obed; Lot Smith's, Sunset; Jesse O. Ballinger's, Ballinger's Camp. William C. Allen' s camp also took on the leader's name being, called "Allen City." Interestingly, the last name was chosen by a three-year old boy, Frank Cluff, who drew it from a hat instead of the alternate choice, Ramah City. 13

116Later in January of 1878 the Little Colorado Stake was organized, at which time Ballinger's Camp became Brigham City, and Allen City was changed to Saint Joseph. Still later, about 1900, the Santa Fe Railroad changed Saint Joseph to Joseph City. The railroad already had a Saint Joseph on the line, so made the change to avoid confusion. In 1923 the town adopted the change, and Joseph City became the official name. 14

116Battling the Little Colorado River

116The need to obtain water so that crops could be planted unified the efforts of the settlers. Allen's Camp and Obed worked together in making a dam to divert water from the Little Colorado River. Ditching also called for a united effort, three miles of ditching being required for the Allen settlement and six miles for Obed. The dam was described as being 180 feet wide, 60 feet thick and 9 feet high. The cost to each camp was $2,500.00. 15 They completed the upper dam on June 6, just two and one-half months after their arrival. The work of surveying for the dams and the ditches was done by Major Samuel G. Ladd of Allen City. 16

116The struggles of the colonists to survive are closely associated with their battle to control the Little Colorado River. Without the river water, there would be no crops, and nothing contributed to discouragement more than the dams continually being washed out by the flowing river.

117Building of Early Forts

117Safety for the colonists was an early concern, and, to prepare adequately for possible difficulties, each camp began the erection of forts. Living close to both Hopis and Navajos, the leaders deemed it expedient to provide some protection in case of attacks. Their effort proved to be unnecessary, as far as the Indians were concerned. At Ballinger's Camp and Obed, the forts were made of rock. A description of the fort at Ballinger's Camp records that it was 200 feet square, with walls seven feet high, made of rock. There were 36 dwelling houses and a large dining hall 20 x 80 feet, with two rows of tables to seat from 150 to 200 persons; adjoining the dining hall from the outside of the fort were a kitchen and bakery, 20 x 25 feet, a cellar, 18 x 18 feet, over which was built a storehouse. A good well was outside the fort, and another well inside the fort near the kitchen. 17 The forts at Allen City and Sunset were constructed of cottonwood trees set upright in double rows. 18 It is generally thought that there was a fort plan used by the early Mormon settlements, because the forts were quite similar. 19

117Evidence of Early Discouragement

117Life among the colonists of 1876 was challenging. Church leaders were optimistic, and much encouragement was given that the colonists succeed. Yet stark realities were apparent, and in a letter to President Brigham Young dated 13 July 1876, Jesse O. Ballinger wrote:

117Through the goodness of God I am permitted at this time to write a few lines which will inform you of our present prospects and condition. Our health is and has been very good ever since we have been at this place. The brethren have worked hard and done their work well. We have got our dam and ditch about completed, to plant in com but we lack the water, the river is and has been entirely dry, for over three weeks below our dam and not enough to raise the water into our ditch.

118There has been no rain and everything, except the trees and brush along the river is dry as dry can be. We have dug two wells and got good water at about twenty feet. The water is in quicksand and appears to be plentiful…. Some of the brethren are very much discouraged with the country and our present prospects. But I have no doubt that we will be able to raise good crops another season if we can keep our dam secure so that we can use the water when it is plenty. But we are raising nothing to subsist on and we are eating up and wearing out what we have got and the brethren that are willing to stay with me and try what we can do another year are all poor and unless we can get help it will be impossible for them to stay. We have flour enough to last us about three months more…. Brother Brigham any word of council instructions or encouragement per-mining to our present temporal or future welfare would be thankfully received, by us. Which we hope to receive from you soon after you get this for I feel sure that I cannot hold the brethren together more than two months without something of this kind. 20 (Letter copied as written.)

118The attempt to be positive is overshadowed by the negativism in this epistle. Little did Ballinger realize that before his letter would reach President Young, there would be more water in the river than he wanted. Six days later, on July 19, the Little Colorado River had a major flood which washed out all the dams including the one built by the people of Allen City and Obed. 21 The settlers were very discouraged when their dams washed away; and in August, when Captain William C. Allen and twenty-two other men whose families had not joined the Little Colorado colonists returned to Utah for their families, some did not return-and so the mettle of the colonists was tested. 22

118United Order Established on the Little Colorado River

118The social system called the united order had been operating in Utah among some of the Saints for about three years when the Arizona colonists settled on the Little Colorado River. The success of the system was mitigated by influences outside the order, and therefore

119Brigham Young and the colonists of 1876 saw in Arizona an environment unspoiled by conflicting social patterns, one in which the United Order could prosper and grow. Such opportunity was rare. Even in Utah unseeming worldliness caused the Saints to quail in the face of the order' s equalitarianism. By 1876 it was fully apparent that settlers of submarginal outlying regions were more amenable to its disciplining than the saints in general. Consequently they were encouraged to regard their communities as laboratories, themselves the guinea pigs of experiment in severe and restrictive versions of union. With little to lose, a few remote colonies gave themselves over to this mission and for a time found meager satisfaction in their efforts to improve the system. The Little Colorado colony was conceived as one of these. Its first missionaries were directed to live in the so-called family associations and work toward the perfection of the United Order. 23

119In a letter to Lot Smith, Brigham Young wrote,

119The members of your camps were carefully selected from the various counties of this Territory for the express purpose of beginning and carrying on their labors of building and improving after the Order of Enoch; former experiences have taught us that it were far better and easier to introduce the principles of the United Order at the beginning of new settlements, than to bring people into them after their individual interests were more firmly established. 24

119Although the United Order systems of the Little Colorado colonies followed fundamental concepts, there was room for some latitude. John Bushman, an early resident of Joseph City, wrote in his journal dated June 4, 1877, "There had been Articles of Agreement framed by representatives of the four colonies." 25 The Articles were first accepted locally by those "in each of the Camps and then they voted to accept them in conference when the four colonies were meeting together." 26

119Charles Peterson makes an interesting observation when he wrote:

119 - 120While no early Mormon appears to have been fully aware of the fact, the family Orders were dependent in a peculiar way upon free public lands. Especially apparent in the case of the Arizona Orders, this was due, in large measure, to the fact that they were settled by an impoverished group which because of its general lack of property had few if any alternatives. Most of the Arizona Order Colonists were young…. Few could have purchased land-even at the minimal values of the day…. Consequently, they took advantage of their early arrival, claiming such free land as they could find. 27

120Free land enabled the colonists to establish the order with skimpy contributions, making labor and resourcefulness great factors in the success or failure of the experiments.

120The importance of succeeding in these social experiments was viewed strongly enough by Brigham Young that he counseled that dissidents should be expelled from the colonies rather than permitted to remain and poison the minds of others. 28

120The encouragement of the order as a social experiment was due in part to the fact that the Arizona colonies on the Little Colorado were isolated and would need to be self-sustaining; therefore a cooperative effort by all would be more certain of success. Ideally it should have worked, but practically many obstacles arose. "It was impossible, Brigham Young believed, under the laws of the United States and the selfish nature of men to establish the Order of Enoch in its fulness at that time." 29

120 - 121Challenges and Benefits of the Little Colorado Orders

120 - 121Eating at a common table, referred to as the "long table," was a challenge to the Order. At Sunset, where Lot Smith was the leader, complaints arose over a number of practices. Some were pressured into kitchen service who did not want to serve, waste resulted from incompetent workers, Lot Smith used mealtime to harangue his group about problems of the colony, and some were favored at mealtime. 30 At Allen City the "long table" was initiated but discontinued by November of 1876 after eight months of trial 31-with resultant criticism from the other Little Colorado settlements. 32 However, the Allen City minutes record that Erastus Snow had counseled them that all eating at one table had no more to do with the united order than all sleeping in one bed. 33 The fact that the three settlements on the Little Colorado that strove to keep the "long table" practice in use were all abandoned after a period of time is evidence that discontent from that practice contributed to their demise. Of special interest are the differing comments made by those in the same order. Jesse N. Smith wrote of his disappointment with the common table but John Bushman eulogized the practice as a "grand sight." 34

121Dam Failures Tested the Mettle of the Settlers

121The united order of the Little Colorado River colonies was essential in resolving a problem far more serious than whether they ate as a community group or whether they ate as family units. The need for water required united efforts. Survival would depend on providing water to grow crops and also to provide for livestock and human consumption. There is good evidence that the early demise of Obed was due to contaminated water. Pollutants infiltrated the springs and resulted in sickness diagnosed in that day as malaria. 35 As sickness caused families to move, Obed was completely abandoned by 1878. 36 Part of the discouragement which led to the abandonment of Obed was undoubtedly due to water problems with the river. Cooperative effort was certainly needed for dam and ditch building, but by the end of 1878 two dams had been washed out as the colonists attempted to control the waters of the Little Colorado River. 37 Brigham City and Sunset also found the river treacherous and unpredictable. In 1878 a flash flood destroyed most of the Brigham City crop and so discouraged the settlers that by 1880 most had left the settlement. In 1881, a release from their missions was granted to the Brigham City residents; they scattered, leaving the settlement almost abandoned. 38

121 - 122Across the river at Sunset, discouragement was slower to break up the settlement. The river was as destructive against Sunset as Brigham City; but the settlers at Sunset, under Lot Smith' s leadership, had vegetable gardens some forty miles to the north near the present Mormon Lake at the dairy, and so they had food supply when the river crops failed. 39 That the river problems contributed to the breaking up of Brigham City and Sunset is unquestionable, however; the river was not the only reason for their discontinuance.

122Joseph City, the only 1876 settlement on the Little Colorado River to survive, continued to battle the river for years to come. In the late spring of 1927, Joseph C. Hansen dedicated the ninth dam. That dam still stands as a credit to the untiring efforts of dedicated people. 40 One estimate placed the cost to Joseph City residents for the first seven dams at $50,000. 41

122 - 123Contributions of Leadership Methods to Discontent

122 - 123Another factor contributing to the early breakup of Obed, together with health problems and river challenges, was dissatisfaction of some families with George Lake's leadership. In a 8 January 1877 letter to Brigham Young, Jr., a member of the Twelve, permission was requested to move to a place four or five miles down the river from Obed, where Major Samuel B. Ladd had surveyed a dam site. 42 The letter indicated that the families involved had had trouble with their leader and although they had all forgiven one another, they still desired to leave Obed. 43 The letter was signed by several families. Joseph H. Richards, a member of the Obed Colony who was personally well acquainted with Brigham Young, Jr., apparently wrote the letter, with others signing their approval. 44 A return letter by President Brigham Young encouraged the colonists to remain united and to obey the Church's duly appointed leadership. 45 46 Evidently he found them so, because he became the first bishop of the St. Joseph Ward, 47 and George Lake, another strong-willed man, was the first bishop at Brigham City. 48

123Leadership Problems Regarding the United Order

123When the Arizona missionaries were sent to colonize, Church leaders expected them to live the united order. Several types of social experimentation had been attempted in Utah, some succeeding better than others. Four major kinds of orders were developed. One type required all members to contribute all their property and receive differential wages and dividends according to the labor and property contributed. A second type was made up of cooperative enterprises owned by the community. Share-owners were not required to consecrate all their property or labor. A third type was a welfare system, with each ward or unit promoting a single cooperative enterprise; and a fourth type was a communal type, in which there was not private property. All members shared alike according to their needs from their combined efforts. 49

123The Arizona settlements along the Little Colorado River followed the communal plan of type four. 50 From written comments by colony members, the greatest challenge of this communal system was the requirement that all eat at a common table.

123 - 124At Brigham City, eating at a common table became a major point of contention. In a letter to Brigham Young, Jesse O. Ballinger wrote, "We have not united around one table so as to all eat together, that seems to be the hardest point for us to make. I think a few words from Bro. Brigham would settle that matter." 51 The appeal of Brother Ballinger to Brigham Young to settle that controversial matter helps one to understand the beginning contents of the same letter where concern was expressed that so many were leaving the colony, and an appeal was made to the Church leaders for more men. Although flexibility eventually was allowed, the effort to put the united order into practice caused some to move.

124At Sunset, A. C. Peterson, a boy during the existence of that colony, reported a "pecking system." He complained that Lot Smith and his family sat at the head of the table, with those in authority lined up in a hierarchial order, with widows and their families at the end. The food began at the head of the table and was well picked over or gone by the time it reached the humbler folk. 52 Such inequities caused dissatisfactions to grow among them. Attempting to establish the "long table" was a difficult challenge to all the orders and produced the most complaints. William C. Allen was more democratic in the operation of the united order. During the first few weeks at Allen's Camp, the preparation and eating of food was a community enterprise. In November of 1876 at Allen's Camp, the decision was made to let each family draw from a common storehouse and enjoy their meals as family units. Communal eating was no longer required. 53 How much this difference in leadership contributed to Joseph City's survival cannot be totally known, but there is good reason to think that the more democratic system contributed to its continued existence.

124 - 125Democratic Methods at Allen's Camp

124 - 125There was no formal organization of the united order at Allen City until the spring of 1877. On 15 April 1877, thirty-five individuals signed the "Articles of Association of the Allen's Branch of the United Order." The property of each person joining the order was appraised by selected appraisers, and, in accordance with instructions from General Authorities, those joining the order were rebaptized to "renew their covenants and work in the United Order." 54 This careful work in organizing, plus input from the group, provided a more democratic procedure, but even so, numerous complaints arose at their meetings. By 1883 they received permission in a letter from Erastus Snow to change to a stewardship plan if that was what the people wanted. 55 Erastus Snow's views on the united order were more liberal than those of some of the colonists, and his practicality contributed to some of the changing or abandonment of the orders. 56 When St. Joseph decided to change from a communal plan to a stewardship plan, the new program was initiated without controversy. Lots were cast for milk cows, and men were given choices regarding their occupation. 57

125When Obed and Brigham City were abandoned, distribution of the communal goods was made without incident; only at Sunset was there a problem. As dissatisfactions caused families to leave the order, applications were made for a fair share of the goods. Many went away dissappointed. If their original goods of consecration had been used up, the loss was theirs. Those departing from the order were told that all accumulations belonged to the Church, and therefore they received only what they had originally contributed. Many letters went to Church authorities regarding Lot Smith, his autocratic leadership, and his control in division of communal goods when families left the order. Still, he was retained as the leader until his family remained alone at Sunset. 58 Finally, during the period of break-up and controversy, the Church authorities appointed a committee of leading Little Colorado men to investigate and settle all affairs. 59 John Bushman of St. Joseph was selected as chairman, and the committee spent many hours striving to create satisfaction for all concerned. They were able to make some adjustments, but not without the opposition and disagreeable actions of Lot Smith. He opposed the work of the committee and abused its members. Committee members wrote in their journals and diaries of that difficult task. 60

126Schools Among the Little Colorado Colonies

126The first school in Arizona established by the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints began 22 January 1877 at Obed, with Phebe A. McNiel as the teacher. 61 That same month a school was established at Sunset. 62 There were only two school-age children at Allen City, and at first no schooling was provided by the order. However, school was taught the winter of 1877-78, with Eliza Tanner as teacher. 63 There is no record of a school's being established at Brigham City, but as Church policy was strong in advocating schools, it is certain that they followed patterns similar to those of the other Little Colorado settlements. 64

126 - 127When the Mormon colonists settled on the Little Colorado River in 1876, Arizona was a territory, with Anson P. K. Safford as governor. The governor was struggling to provide schooling for the children of the territory. He proposed that the probate judge in each county also serve as the county school superintendent. Since he appointed the probate judges, he had some control of the schools. Each judge was aided by a board of examiners to evaluate teacher qualifications. Each county was required to have a minimum of one school financed by property taxes. 65 In 1878 the St. Joseph order appointed Samuel G. Ladd to write a petition, collect signatures of local citizens, and ask that a school district be formed. Apparently no action was taken at that time, but two years later in 1880, another petition was sent to Judge Stinson in Prescott, and a school district was apparently established. 66 Forming a school district in order to apply for county and state funds had some draw-backs. The county board of examiners had to approve teachers, and there were often problems in schools with religious predilections. 67 In addition, the earliest schools of the Little Colorado River colonies were subject to the many challenges those colonies faced. Teachers were changed or school dismissed when there were other needs, such as dam building, planting, and harvesting. 68 Also, books and facilities were limited, and the effectiveness of the schools was thus reduced. 69

127Worship Among the Little Colorado River Settlements

127Before leaving Utah, the Arizona missionaries had been divided into companies, with captains over each company. The captains' duties were broad and included ecclesiastical authority. They conducted worship services and performed the duties of an ecclesiastical leader. 70 In the forts a place was built for schooling which also served for worship services. 71 On 27 January 1878 the Little Colorado Stake was organized with Lot Smith as president. 72 At that time, George Lake, who had moved to Brigham City after Obed failed, was appointed bishop of that colony, and Levi M. Savage was called to be bishop at Sunset. 73 In September of 1878, William C. Allen was released as presiding elder at St. Joseph, and Joseph H. Richards became the first bishop of the St. Joseph City Ward. 74 In addition to the general worship services there, Relief Society was organized in 1877, YMMIA and a YWMIA began 1883, Primary being established in 1888. 75 During the first sixty-one years of its existence, Joseph City had one presiding elder and three bishops. William C. Allen served for two years as presiding elder; Joseph H. Richards was bishop for nine years. He was followed by John Bushman, who held that position for twenty-five years and was succeeded by John L. Westover, who served as bishop for the next twenty-three years. 76 The community leaned heavily on the Church for its leadership, and so change was minimal during this period when bishops held office for many years.

127 - 128Conclusion

127 - 128Obed-plagued with illness, washed-out dams, and other challenges-was abandoned in 1878. Brigham City residents became discouraged as they faced insurmountable problems and were all released from their mission in 1881. By 1882 Brigham City was reduced to two families. The united order grist mill at Brigham City was given to Woodruff, but it remained unused, and rust and decay took their toll. The old fort was used to house railroad construction workers in 1881; and after they moved out, the Church sold the place to several men for $800. They tried to farm the area but in a short time gave up. The site was abandoned.

128Sunset lasted a little longer, but by 1885 only Lot Smith and his family resided there; by 1888 it was completely deserted. 77 Joseph City, as it became known in 1923, 78 still exists. How can one account for the survival of that community when the others failed? From what was recorded by those whose journals and records furnish information for modern-day historians to review, interpret, and rewrite, there is much evidence that all the colonies of the Little Colorado River of 1876 faced tremendous challenges. To single out what might be the reason or reasons for the survival of one colony while the others failed would be simply conjecture, but as one reviews the history of those early colonies, some things encourage such speculation. The challenges of nature were suffered by all alike. All had their dams wash out; in fact, Joseph City rebuilt dams long after the other colonies were abandoned. All suffered the winds, blowing sands, flash floods and challenges of the soil. Early community life was similar among the four colonies that adopted the communal type 79 of order as they commenced their existence. It is true that Joseph City changed to a stewardship order, but by the time it did so, Obed had been abandoned, and Brigham City and Sunset were dissolving. The original make up of the four groups was similar. When Brigham Young called two hundred families, they were young and healthy; many were under twenty. The four groups of fifty were very similar, with qualified leaders to head each group. With so many promising factors identifiable, what uniqueness, if any, helped Joseph City to survive while the others were abandoned?

129Kenneth E. Porter listed the following reasons why he thought Joseph City survived while the others failed: (1) Joseph City had a geographic advantage: it was not threatened by floodwaters in the community as the other colonies were; (2) the coming of the Atlantic and Pacific Railroad (now the Atchison, Topeka, and Santa Fe) in 1881 opened up markets for Joseph City's crops and produce. Work opportunities were also created with the coming of the railroad. Although Brigham City, and Sunset would have had these same railroad opportunities, they were too far along with their dissolution to gain from this benefit. 80

129Optimistic leadership has been cited as an important factor in Joseph City's facing and conquering her desert struggle. 81 One writer thought that in Joseph City there was more concern for the individual and that leadership "never rested heavily upon any one man but was spread throughout the entire association." 82 Another writer suggested that in Obed, Brigham City, and Sunset, social unrest was the primary problem. 83 An example, illustrating that Joseph City leadership differed from the leadership of Sunset and Brigham City, may be found in the unpublished writings of George S. Tanner and J. Morris Richards. 84 When the "long table" had become an issue, Bishop Joseph H. Richards polled the Joseph City members. Two-thirds were unwilling to try it again, and so it was not reinstated. At Brigham City and Sunset it was retained as a necessary part of the united order regulations. Heavy-handed leadership plus discouragement stack the odds against success when challenges are most severe.

129The Little Colorado colonists of 1876 were nothing short of remarkable. They did not all remain, but everyone made some effort, whose sum total provided colonization in other areas; one original colony, Joseph City, continues to survive today. The early settlers are all gone. Many lived and died on the Little Colorado River. Those who inherited the results of their sacrifices and unselfish dedication proudly hail them with reverence and honor. They made a record of courage, devotion to God, and pioneering that will be emblazened in the hearts of their inheritors forevermore.

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Mormons in the Tuba City Area

by Rex C. Reeve, Jr. and Galen L. Fletcher

133"A Foreign Mission": Tuba City

133When President Hal Taylor was called to preside over the Southwest Indian mission in 1965, he was told by Elder N. Eldon Tanner that he was going to serve in one of the "most difficult and foreign missions in the Church. 1 President Taylor did not understand what Elder Tanner meant. At that time LDS missionaries were being sent to Japan, Korea, and many other countries outside the United States. How could northern Arizona, a few miles from Utah, be so different? Why would anyone call service to the Navajo, Hopi and Zuni Indians (among others) foreign?

133The Church in the early sixties was in the beginning stages of its current international expansion. Although the principles of the gospel of Jesus Christ remain the same, the missionaries of the Church twenty-five years ago began to discover as never before that different cultures and backgrounds often presented special challenges when implementing the structures and programs of the Church among the various peoples of the earth. There were particular obstacles in areas and cultures where there were no European-based traditions, as in the Orient. 2

133 - 134The new challenges of teaching the principles of the gospel and implementing the programs of the Church in all the earth was made easier by the humble efforts of a few who hard struggled with the same problems in one of the "most difficult and foreign missions in the Church" right here at home. The questions of how to simplify the lessons and programs to fit any situation were being answered by those laboring to set up the Church among the Lamanite people. The experience gained from the Lamanite programs helped form the foundation for establishing the Church in all the earth.

134The lessons learned from spreading the gospel to all peoples and cultures may now return and help in the continuing effort to establish the Church among the Native Americans. As a people, we should now be better prepared to accept all people as brothers and sisters in the gospel, and thus come closer to being no more strangers, but fellow citizens in Christ. 3 The early Mormon missionaries and settlers in Tuba City labored valiantly and helped establish a foundation for missionary work in all the world. An understanding of both early Mormon and Indian history in Northern Arizona can lead us to a greater appreciation of our forefathers. It can bring us an increased awareness of the many possibilities that exist for us as we seek to carry out our contemporary responsibilities to teach the gospel to the seed of Lehi.

134 - 135Introduction to the Early Period

134 - 135From Jacob Hamblin's initial contacts with the Hopi people in 1865 to the present, 1986, the work of Mormon missionaries in Tuba City and its sister "city," Moenkopi, has been a history of bravery in the face of hardships, love despite cultural misunderstandings, and small threads of hope sometimes barely visible in the face of seemingly overwhelming circumstances. The Mormons called to serve among the Indians in Tuba City had to struggle with many challenges. Often the early missionaries were themselves converts to the Church, seeking to fulfill their callings from the Prophet Brigham Young, sustained only by a testimony of the promises extended to the Lamanites in The Book of Mormon. 4 They had to battle their own prejudices and perceptions of the Indians, they had to survive in the harsh Northern Arizona area, and they had to learn to press on in spite of apparent lack of success. None of these problems were easy to solve, especially when compounded by conflicts between missionaries, and between missionaries and Indians.

135Misconceptions and cultural conflicts between the Hopis, the Navajo and other people in the area of Tuba City did not start with the Mormons. The Hopi and the Navajo have a history of conflict dating back at least as early as the time the Spanish conquistadors first came into the area in the sixteenth century. 5 Both Indian tribes in turn had conflicts with the Spanish. Since the actions of the Native Americans did not conform to the Spanish ideas of civilization and culture, the conquistadors and priests considered the Indians pagan, devilish, and idolatrous. 6 7 From the few records kept by the Catholic priests and early explorers, we know that the Hopi tribe resisted very strongly the influx of Catholic teachings. In 1680 a number of Hopi clansmen rebelled against the Christian rule, destroyed the Catholic Church which had been built at Awatobi, and killed the priests and the few Hopi who had convened to Catholicism. 8

135The Spanish did send more priests to the area years later, but the Hopi refused to go join them. The Catholics demanded acceptance of both the religious teachings and the Spanish cultural traditions, something the Hopi in particular were unwilling to accept. Years later, as missionaries from other churches worked among the Hopi, the reactions were often similar, although less violent. 9

135 - 136Navajo and Hopi

135 - 136The history of Tuba City actually began with the founding by the Hopi of its parent village, Oraibi on Third Mesa, the oldest continuously inhabited town in the United States. Since 1150, Hopi Indians have lived in the village of Old Oraibi, 10 adopting traits from the surrounding Navajo and other Indian tribes, the Spanish, Mexicans, and Americans as they saw fit. It was not until after the Spanish period of occupation of Arizona and New Mexico and during the nineteenth century that the Hopi began to seriously consider making the area just south of Tuba City, known as Moenkopi, into a permanent settlement. The Hopi had farmed in the area for many years, but increased raids by the Navajo helped them decide to place members of their tribe there permanently. 11

136The United States government tried to contain and control the marauding Navajo by transferring them first to Bosque Redondo, and then settling them back on the reservation. 12 The Hopi handled their problems with the Navajo in their own way. Since most of the Hopi villages were on top of the three mesas, they were relatively safe. However, to protect Moenkopi, the Hopi encouraged the settlement of their friends, Jacob Hamblin and the Mormons, after about 1860. The Hopi felt the presence of the Mormons in Moenkopi would help protect their own people from the Navajo. 13

136Early Mormon Interest in the Hopi

136The Mormons had been in Utah only four years when they first learned about the Hopi Indians. The Ute chieftain Walker visited Northern Arizona and on his return told John D. Lee about a peaceful, village-dwelling tribe of Indians he called the Moquis. 14 (The term Moqui was a derogatory name applied to the Hopi by their Indian enemies, then picked up by the Spanish and others.) A few years later the Indian mission was established in southwestern Utah, with Jacob Hamblin called as its president in August of 1857. It was to be the springboard for the Mormon missionary work and colonization in northern Arizona, specifically in Tuba City and Moenkopi. 15

136 - 137Three factors led to the first trip by the Mormons to the Hopi. First, the Paiute Indians in southern Nevada were not responding to the Mormon message. As a result the Mormons looked elsewhere for converts. Second, the early reports of "civilized Indians"-the Hopi-led Jacob Hamblin and others, like Andrew S. Gibbons, to become interested in sharing the gospel with the Hopi. "The first Mormon missionaries into Arizona were primarily interested in the Hopi." 16 The third and most immediate factor leading to the first Mormon expedition to the Hopi was the rumor that children, survivors of the Mountain Meadow Massacre, were among the Indians of northern Arizona. Jacob Hamblin received permission in 1858 from Brigham Young to go to the Hopi Indians and see what the possibilities were for missionary work and to determine if any white children were among them. 17

137In October of 1858, Jacob Hamblin and twelve other men traveled to the main Hopi village of Oraibi. A Spanish interpreter went along, since Hamblin was sure that some of the Hopi could speak that language. 18 When they arrived at Oraibi, they were warmly received and then spent a few days there getting acquainted. Jacob Hamblin took special note of a Hopi prophecy that white men would visit the villages on the three mesas. When telling about the Hopi mission later, he recalled some of the Hopi traditions concerning the Mexicans and other Indian tribes, then explained about the prophecy:

137A very aged man said that when he was a young man, his father told him that he would live to see white men come among them, who would bring them great blessings, such as their fathers had enjoyed, and that these men would come from the West. He believed that he had lived to see the prediction fulfilled in us. 19

137Combined with the many signs of civilization which Jacob Hamblin saw, this prophecy impressed him very much. For many years after, he tried to help the Hopi see that the Mormons did indeed fulfill this old tradition.

137 - 138Three men were left behind with the Hopi "for a season, to study their language, get acquainted with them and as they are of the blood of Israel, offer them the gospel." 20 However, they did not stay long, because of a bad winter and lack of food among the Hopi. Some of the Hopi leaders disputed whether or not the Mormons were the fulfillment of the old prophecy. The controversy reached a point at which the missionaries were asked to leave. 21 The men returned to southern Utah in the middle of December, suffering from both cold weather and a lack of food. However, one of them, Andrew S. Gibbons, returned later to continue Mormon missionary work among the Hopi. 22

138Second Visit to the Hopi

138Less than a year later, Jacob Hamblin visited the Hopi again. He had sent a favorable report to President Brigham Young and received back a very encouraging response. President Young wanted a few of the Hopi to come visit him, and if possible, bring the entire tribe north to settle in Utah. However, the Hopi resisted strongly any suggestions that they go to Utah. One of their traditions was that none of their tribe should ever cross the Colorado River. 23 Although Hamblin was unable to convince any Hopi to return to Utah with him, he did get them to allow two Mormon missionaries, Thales Haskell and Marion J. Shelton, to remain in Oraibi. 24

138Haskell and Shelton stayed in Oraibi until the beginning of March, during which time they helped the Hopi, while themselves learning much about the Indian way of life. No converts were made, but Haskell did become acquainted with Chief Tuba, a Hopi minor leader who later became instrumental in getting the Mormons to come to Moenkopi. 25 In fact, both Haskell and Shelton were taken to the Moenkopi area and invited to settle there and build a wool mill. 26 They returned to southern Utah, but Haskell went back to the Hopis with Jacob Hamblin and eight others in the autumn of that year (1860). With them was an apostle's son, George A. Smith, Jr. 27

138 - 139Unfortunately, this trip was to end in tragedy. 28 Before they had gone far after crossing the Colorado River, they met a group of hostile Navajos. The Navajo demanded that Hamblin turn all the group's good and ammunition over to them, and the Mormons would be allowed to recross the Colorado. While they were trading, George A. Smith, Jr., took some of his horses to water but did not return. At the same time, the Navajo all disappeared, and Jacob Hamblin became worried about their situation.

139He sent two men after George A., and they found him with three bullet wounds and four arrows in his back. They carried the wounded youth to their camp. The Navajo threat and young Smith's condition convinced Jacob Hamblin not to continue on to the Hopi villages. Other, more friendly Indians in the area warned the Mormons that a large group of Navajo were planning to force the missionaries away from the Hopi mesas, so the Mormons retreated back to Utah. George A. died the next day and his body was laid in a hollow by the side of the road. 29 A while later, Hamblin led a group back to recover the remains, but the mission's failure to reach the Hopi and the death of the apostle' s son dampened for a while Mormon eagerness to proselyte the Arizona Indian tribes.

139Third Visit, and Hopi Journey to Salt Lake

139The death of George A. Smith, Jr. at the hand of Indians, coupled with drought and other problems in southern Utah, prevented even Jacob Hamblin from going across the Colorado for two years. 30 In 1862, Brigham Young asked Hamblin to find a road to the Hopi settlements and see if he could persuade any of the Indians to visit Utah. This time a large group of missionaries traveled with Hamblin to visit Oraibi. Despite a severe drought in the area, the Hopi greeted the Mormons warmly with some piki bread and water. Hamblin dug into his supplies to feed the Indians, and left enough food for the three missionaries. 31 The Hopi prophecy of white men's visiting them stated that three leaders would come-Hamblin hoped the Indians would associate the number of missionaries with their traditions. Hamblin again invited the Hopi to go with him to Utah, but they refused. 32

139 - 140However, while Hamblin and his group were journeying back to Colorado, three Hopi joined them, stating that the tribal leaders had decided to allow them to meet the great Mormon chief, Brigham Young. 33 Jacob Hamblin was very much pleased, as, of course, was President Young. Hamblin took the Hopi to Salt Lake City, where they were treated very handsomely by the Mormon leaders. Although little is recorded of the Hopi reactions, many accounts exist telling how Mormon interest in the Arizona Indians was increased by the visit. Even after Hamblin accompanied the three Indians back to Arizona, many leaders desired to take the gospel to the Hopi. 34

140Navajo Problems

140The year after the Hopi visited Salt Lake (1863), Kit Carson arrived in Arizona, with the assignment to put down the Navajo. Within another year, the Navajo would take their "Long Walk" to Fort Defiance, where they would be severely chastened and broken by the US Army. 35 36 However, a number of small trips to the Indians were still made as occasion would permit. In October of 1869, Jacob Hamblin visited the Hopi, but found their enthusiasm towards the Mormons cooled-the long period since Hamblin's last visit coupled with the more immediate threats from the Navajo kept the Hopi from being overly friendly. 37 In addition, the Hopi told the Mormons that the Navajo were planning another raid on Mormon communities. The missionaries hurried back to Utah, only to discover that the Navajo had stolen more than a thousand head of livestock from the southern Utah settlements. 38

140 - 141To stem the conflicts, Jacob Hamblin went with explorer J. Wesley Powell to the Navajo to make peace with them the next year, 1870. 39 This action led to a cessation of hostilities for a few years, and it also led to the visit of the Hopi clansman, Chief Tuba, to southern Utah. Tuba and his wife went with Jacob Hamblin to St. George and the other surrounding settlements, then remained in Kanab for almost a year. 40 Brigham Young was in St George at that time and visited with Tuba and his wife, giving the Hopi a suit. The Hopi was greatly impressed with the new spinning mill in Washington, stating that he thought he would never want to spin wool again by hand after seeing that machine. 41 His long stay in Utah and familiarity with Mormon customs and teachings led Tuba to desire baptism a few years later, on March 25, 1876.

141Attempts to Settle Moenkopi

141After Brigham Young met Chief Tuba, the Church president was more eager than ever to see Mormon settlements extend into Northern Arizona. In May of 1873, the first colonization mission, consisting of one hundred men and six women, reached the area of Moenkopi. Seeing the desolate conditions and wondering if settlement there were even possible, the group became discouraged and turned back. Jacob Hamblin, the guide for this group, tried to convince them that there were indeed better lands further on, but his suggestions were not heeded. Brigham Young's letter in reply to the group's depressing report arrived after they had all left. The first Mormon families to reach Moenkopi would not stay. 42

141The second attempt by the Mormons to colonize Moenkopi lasted only a month, but its failure came because of increased threats from the Indians. John L. Blythe and some ten men and their families arrived in Moenkopi in 1874. They planted apple trees and started construction on a stone house. 43 However, the death of three Navajo braves at Grass Valley, Utah, stirred up the Navajo so much that plans to stay at Moenkopi were abandoned. 44 Two more years passed before Church leaders in Salt Lake again actively promoted settling at Moenkopi.

142 James S. Brown's First Visit to Moenkopi

142With two unsuccessful attempts behind him, President Brigham Young was even more eager to see a permanent Mormon settlement in Northern Arizona. Some have noted that he was ready to go himself, but his age and other duties prevented his doing so. 45 However, there were a number of members on whom he knew he could count, no matter what the obstacles were. One of these was a veteran Mormon missionary, James S. Brown.

142From the beginning of 1876 to the end of 1877, James S. Brown devoted his efforts and influence to Mormon missionary work in Moenkopi and northern Arizona. 46 At the age of forty-six, Brown had already served the Church faithfully in many capacities. He had marched in the Mormon Battalion, and gone on missions to Tahiti, England, and the eastern United States; in addition, he had served a number of missions to the Shoshone and other Indians in Utah. Seven years before his mission to the Arizona Indians, James S. Brown had his left leg amputated a few inches below his hip, so he got around with a wooden leg. 47 But with a call from Brigham Young, the prophet, Brown put aside his discomfort and age and made immediate plans to go to the Hopi.

142On 3 December 1875, James S. Brown arrived in Moenkopi with a number of other missionaries called to settle the area and work with the Lamanites. After exploring with Andrew Gibbons and Ira Hatch, he decided to build a missionary station at Moenkopi. They began to construct a stone fort, and, after more exploring, Brown returned to Salt Lake to report how satisfied he was with northern Arizona.

142 - 143Brown's Second Visit

142 - 143Brown came to Moenkopi again shortly afterwards, arriving 8 March 1876. He was pleased (as had been President Young with his report) to find that the small building was fairly complete, as was a dam with a reservoir some three miles long. The other missionaries had even started some plowing, despite disagreeable weather. 48

143Again, after just a few days, James Brown went on another tour of exploration, looking around the Hopi villages on the Mesas and other areas, seeking a suitable place for more Mormon settlements. 49 During this time, the number of people at Moenkopi continued to increase as others responded to the call from Brigham Young to settle Arizona.

143After returning to Moenkopi and spending two weeks working with the newcomers, James S. Brown and a few others left for another month, exploring the extensive Navajo, Hopi, and Zuni areas. 50 At one point, Brown and his two companions were stopped by a large group of Navajo, who wanted to know if the Spanish had been telling them the truth-Did the Mormons have a history of the Indians? James S. Brown pulled out his Book of Mormon and explained to the two or three hundred Navajo present that the Mormons did have such a record. After listening to some of its teachings and origins, the Navajo leaders replied that

143we know that what you say is true, for the traditions of our good old men who never told a lie agree with your story…. Continue to tell us of God and our forefathers, for it does our hearts good to hear of them.

143Brown called that meeting "one of the most sudden and singular in [his] experience," and considering all of his other adventures around the world, that is quite a statement. 51

143 - 144During July and the beginning of August, the Arizona missionaries spent their time "tending and gathering crops, and the work incident to establishing a settlement, which was by no means easy." Their work to keep peace with the Indians met varied degrees of success. When some Navajo became upset at the Mormon settlers on the Little Colorado, James S. Brown traveled with them to Salt Lake to visit President Brigham Young. The Navajo chiefs were reconciled and returned to Arizona happy. 52 Missionary Brown, on the other hand, remained behind to talk to President Young. They counseled together about the Arizona mission, and finally Brown was asked to return to that mission after getting some help from other members of the Church. Accordingly, he visited many areas, giving some sixty-five lectures on the opportunities, needs, and work of the Arizona mission. As a result of his preaching, more than eighty people volunteered to join the work in northern Arizona. 53

144 James S. Brown's Third (and Last) Visit

144 James S. Brown returned to Moenkopi, arriving there at the beginning of February in 1877. 54 A great deal of work was involved in settling members' disputes, fixing a broken dam, and dealing with some hostile Paiute Indians. Because few of the Mormons knew more than the very basics of the Navajo language, Brown decided to spend some time becoming fluent in that tongue. During the month of June he lived among the Navajo then began another exploration trip among the Indians. 55

144On this trip he met with one of the head chiefs of the Navajo nation, Totoso-ne-Hutse. After long talks about The Book of Mormon and the gospel, Chief Hutse told Brown that he was interested in knowing more, and that he wanted to visit the Mormon chief in Salt Lake:

144I want to see more of your people. The Americans and your people differ in religion. The Mormons say their captain talks with God, and Americans say God does not talk to men. We do not know what to believe. When God talks to us, then we shall know. Until then we want to live as friends. 56

144 - 145A month later, Brown, Chief Hutse and a few other Navajo leaders were in Salt Lake City to see Brigham Young. Although President Young was on his deathbed, he did see Brown and some of the Navajos for a short while before passing away later that day, 29 August 1877. The Indians were shown around the city and were favorably impressed, as the other Navajo delegation had been a year earlier. Soon, they too were on their way home to Arizona. 57

145Brown accompanied them part of the way home, then returned to his family. Apostle Daniel H. Wells released him from further missionary efforts in Moenkopi. James S. Brown wrote that Elder Wells felt he "had performed a great and good work, and to ask [him] to return to Arizona was too much to require." 58 Although of short duration in comparison to many of his other missions, Brown's Moenkopi mission had been important in encouraging the work both in Arizona and among the members in Utah.

145More Mormons became aware of the work in northern Arizona, and a number of them heeded his call to volunteer to move to the Little Colorado area. As a result of the extended work by James S. Brown and the many other missionaries in northern Arizona, there were both the desire and means to get to Arizona. The Mormons were eager to settle among the Hopi and Navajo in order to share the gospel with them. At the same time, the "routes and roads over which the Mormon migration moved after 1876 [into Arizona] were pioneered by the Hopi missionaries." 59

145The work of James S. Brown was also important, because Jacob Hamblin was to spend very little time after this year working with the Indians of northern Arizona. Although Hamblin was ordained an "apostle to the Lamanites" in the last month of 1876, he spent most of the next ten years until his death hiding from polygamy officers. 60 Respected and loved by Mormons, non-Mormons, and especially Indians, Jacob Hamblin's example of love, dedication, and service to the Lamanites set a high mark for any other Indian missionaries to follow. 61

145 - 146A Hopi Couple at the St. George Temple

145 - 146In 1877 an event occurred that would affect the Mormon settlements in northern Arizona and all of Utah: the St. George temple was dedicated by President Brigham Young. The Saints had been without a temple for thirty years, and its presence in southern Utah helped convince some northern Arizona settlers that remaining in the area just might have its advantages after all.

146A number of the Moenkopi members attended the St. George dedication or came to the temple shortly afterwards. Among these were Andrew S. Gibbons and his wife, Rizpah, along with the Hopi member, Tuba, and his wife, Cochenamen. They all attended the general conference sessions from 6-8 April 1877 and stayed to go through the temple. On Tuesday, 10 April, Chief Tuba and his wife received their endowments, with Andrew S. Gibbons and his wife accompanying them and interpreting. Gibbons wrote in his journal that "they seemed to receive their Endowments quite understandingly." 62

146It was a joyous time for Gibbons, for it meant a return to the temple-he had been sealed to his wife in Nauvoo-and an opportunity to share its blessings with his Indian friend, Tuba. Tuba and Cochenamen were "the only known members of the Hopi, Navajo, or Zuni tribes to be invited into the Temple prior to the mid-twentieth century, over sixty years later. 63 It was one beginning among many, in the Mormon work among the Lamanites.

146Tuba City Founded

146During the decade following the St. George Temple dedication and the death of Brigham Young, missionaries continued to travel to and through Moenkopi and the Hopi lands. The Navajo had ceased to be the great threat they had been before, and a few of the northern Arizona settlements became fairly successful. Efforts were then made to improve the small Mormon settlement in Moenkopi, where nine families lived. The desires for an orderly community like those enjoyed by other settlers seems to have prompted the rounding a new one just north of Moenkopi.

147In September of 1878, Apostle Erastus Snow visited the Moenkopi and laid out the Tuba City townsite. He and a few others, including Tuba, went to a spring two miles north of Moenkopi and drew in the sand a plan for an orderly community. 64 After this, the Mormons and some Hopi moved to what they called Tuba City in honor of their friend, chief Tuba. The land on which the Mormons lived was given to them by Tuba, despite the protests of other Hopi leaders. 65 However, the Mormon population never exceeded 230, reached in 1885. By the turn of the century the population numbered only 150 people. 66

147Missionary Work Among the Hopi

147Elder Erastus Snow continued to encourage missionary work among the Indians, as well as settlement of the area by Mormons. He traveled among the Mormon communities in Arizona and New Mexico for about ten years, counseling and motivating the work where possible. 67 68

147The most prominent Tuba City missionary to the Indians during the last decades of the early Mormon settlement was a Danish convert, Christian Lingo Christensen. He did not rely on a knowledge of the Spanish language to communicate with the Hopi (or Navajo), as had the majority of the Arizona Mormon missionaries. Instead, Christensen learned the Hopi language and often went to preach to the Indians. He wrote that one of his purposes of going to Arizona was to "form an acquaintance with the Indians and do them good." He did concede that at times his experience in Moenkopi "was hard to endure," but just as often rejoiced over the successes he enjoyed. 69

147 - 148More than ninety Indians were baptized through Christensen's preaching, but there were few Hopi among them. At the time, Christensen felt that the Hopi in general "did not desire to believe in Mormonism." 70 Even with the close proximity and almost daily interaction between the Mormons and the Indians around Tuba City, relatively few Hopi joined the Church. There was no formal reason for the Hopi or Navajo organizations to interact with the Mormon institution. The Mormons did not operate a school for the Indians or overtly try to get them "to adopt any significant traits of the white man' s culture." They occasionally hired the Hopi and other Indians, but usually the Mormons sought instead to be self-sufficient and do their work themselves. 71

148As soon as a permanent settlement was established in Tuba City in "the borders of the Lamanites," 72 much of the earlier Mormon interest in the Hopi declined. One leader observed in 1883 that the Hopi "are very dull and superstitious and hard of understanding compared with the Navajo, Zoonies, Lagoonies and Islatos." 73 Christensen, however, limited his judgment of the Hopi as a "harmless industrious people." 74 Like Jacob Hamblin two decades before, he tried to overcome the cultural barriers between him and those he was called to convert. 75

148Other Mormon Projects

148In other areas, the Mormon attempts to overcome the cultural and physical barriers in the Tuba City area met with mixed success. Meanwhile, Tuba City became more and more important as a way station on the way to the Little Colorado settlements because of its position halfway between them and the Colorado River. Here was both an oasis in the desert and a normal LDS community at which travelers could rest. It was also a symbol of the possible peaceful settlement of an area among the Indians. 76 In other tangible ways, efforts at irrigation and farming were generally successful. The trees that still line the streets of Tuba City were planted during this time. 77

148 - 149However, plans to take advantage of the large Hopi sheep herds by building a wool mill north of Tuba City met with complete failure. In 1879, John W. Young supervised the transportation of the parts and pieces for a complete wool mill at Tuba City. Repeated breakdown of parts and the long distance to acquire replacements led to the abandonment of the mill before it had produced any significant amount of wool. The site was forgotten, and the machinery was used for other purposes. Although some parts were taken to the Mormon community of St. Johns, local Indians obtained many pieces from the mill as souvenirs of a strange white man' s project. 78

149The Death of Lot Smith

149As missionary work among the Indians no longer played a primary role in the activities of the Mormons in Tuba City, a time of more or less peaceful coexistence ensued. As one lady resident recalled years later, the Mormons and Indians often mingled one with another, becoming in the process best friends. 79 However, the competition for the area's scarce natural resources led to increased friction between the settlers and their neighbors. 80 Conflicts over water rights and property led to the death of Lot Smith. They also contributed greatly to the departure of the Mormons from Tuba City in 1903.

149By 1892 Lot Smith had established himself in Tuba City as a successful rancher. 81 Smith was both respected and feared by the other Church members in the area, despite and because of the many legends that had grown up around the Mormon Battalion veteran. Smith led a colorful life and chose the harsh Tuba City environment to build the last houses for his polygamous wives and family. He developed quite a herd of sheep but often lost animals to Navajo raiders. Although Smith tried to prevent any outsiders from using his property, he did work hard at improving the land.

149 - 150One day in June 1892, he discovered some Navajo sheep grazing on his property again. He used his pistol to shoot a few of the sheep, and then their owners retaliated by shooting some of Lot Smith's animals. Somewhere along the line, people began shooting people, and soon Lot Smith was mortally wounded. He died the next day and was buried in the canyon near his home. Ten years later, his body was removed and taken to Ogden, Utah, with the testimonies for and against him as strong as ever. 82

150The Mormons Leave Tuba City: 1903

150The ten years between Lot Smith's death and the end of the Mormon settlement in Tuba City were relatively peaceful, despite the increasing disputes between the Mormons and Indians over water rights. Unlike the American agents who were supported by Washington, the Mormons had to work to keep themselves alive, whatever the obstacles. 83 Their efforts led to conflicts "with the Navajo over the livestock range and with the Hopi over the farmland." 84

150Local difficulties over water rights were compounded by national anti-Mormon sentiment in the last decade of the nineteenth century. As other churches and groups became more interested in the American Indian, they feared the influence of the Mormons among the Hopi and Navajo. This anti-LDS attitude also existed in the Indian administration and U.S. military; and they, in turn, sped up federal actions to extend the reservations into Mormon areas. 85

150Since the Mormons did not have legal rights to the Tuba City land-it had not been surveyed or title granted on it-many were convinced that removing them would be easy. The Mormons had squatters' rights but not much more. 86 Around the turn of the century the western part of the Navajo reservation extended to Tuba City. Some federal officials wanted to start a public school for the Indians in the area but feared interference from the Mormons. 87 In 1903, the government bought the Mormons' land and improvements in Tuba City for $45,000. 88 The difficulties in living in the area, combined with this promise of ready cash for their homes, convinced the Mormons that it was time to move on.

150 - 151The Indians had not responded to the little preaching done, and there were many other areas along the Little Colorado where a better living could be had from the land for a bit less work. The Mormons continued to get along with the Indians fairly well-Lydia Brinkerhoff recalled how much she and her Indian friends wept when the Mormons left Tuba City. However, Tuba City was quite isolated, and some of the members were eager to find homes elsewhere. 89 By the end of February 1903, the ward had been dissolved, and all members departed in order to start over again in Idaho, Utah, and elsewhere in Arizona. 90

151After thirty-five years among the Hopi, the Mormon settlement of Tuba City had ended. Another thirty years passed before official efforts to take the gospel to the Hopi in the area began again. By then, many things had changed within the Hopi and Navajo tribes, though many of the old challenges remained very much the same.

151Settlement Impact on Indians

151The settlement of the Tuba City area by the Mormons did not affect the Hopi or Navajo in the area to any great extent. A few individual Indians were changed by the LDS presence, but most soon forgot the missionaries and the families of Tuba City. Despite the lack of conversion of the Indians by the Mormons in the area, the building of the Tuba City community affected the Mormons in two ways. It was a place for proselyting near Utah from the 1860s to 1900, and it encouraged settlement of the Little Colorado. The greatest impact of the Mormon experience in the Tuba City area was on individual missionaries and settlers. Many of them tried to love the Indians as friends and true brothers and grew more Christlike in the process.

151 - 152For the Hopi and Navajo tribes, the Mormons in Tuba City served to moderate the potential for conflict between the Indians in that locality. "The establishment of Moenkopi was accelerated by the coming of the Mormons." 91 The few Indians who convened to the gospel adopted Mormon habits. In addition, the Mormons did leave some tangible souvenirs of their presence in Tuba City. The wide, tree-lined main street, the canals, and a few houses were brought there by the Mormons. 92 In addition, the Mormons introduced a number of foods to the Hopi diet, among which were turban squash, safflower, and sorghum. 93 For the Indians them are some physical reminders of the Mormon period, but little else.

152In the impact on individuals, some of Tom Polacca's descendants are members of the Church now, but nothing is known of Tuba's children or family. The main reasons for so few conversions among the Hopi were the poor experiences with Spanish missionaries and the lack of institutional support for contact between the Mormons and Indian. In other words, the Navajo and Hopi around Tuba City did not have any reason to interact with the Mormons. Without many Indians becoming Mormons, there was little encouragement by peers to join the Saints' way of life. Tuba made the transition, but his was a lonely decision. The rest of the Indians were relatively unaffected by what contact they had with the Mormons.

152Settlement Impact on Mormons

152For the Mormon Church, the settlement in the Tuba City area served two purposes. First, it was a place for missionary work, and second, "a liaison station between the settlements in southern Utah and new colonies along the Little Colorado." 94 At the start, Jacob Hamblin and the other early Mormon explorers of the area sought to do missionary work among the neighboring Indians. James S. Brown, Andrew S. Gibbons, and others were interested in bringing The Book of Mormon and the gospel to the Lamanites. At the same time, this potential for converting the Hopi and Navajo tribes to increased Mormon enthusiasm for settling northern Arizona. The colonization efforts of the Mormons took a decidedly southern bent as a result of possible Indian conversions. 95 Most likely fewer Mormons would have come to northern Arizona in the last pan of the nineteenth century if all of the Indians there had been hostile to the gospel. The small community at Tuba City served to welcome many to Arizona and ease their way to the other settlements along the Little Colorado.

153Besides the impact of the Tuba City mission on the Mormon Church in general, a number of individual lives were changed by their involvement there. The challenges of simple survival were great, both for early explorers and for later settlers. A number of small children died of disease and accidents while families lived in Tuba City. Two men, George A. Smith, Jr. and Lot Smith, were killed in the area.

153The possibilities for missionary work among the local Indians, however, profoundly affected some individuals. Some, like Jacob Hamblin, Thales Haskell, Andrew S. Gibbons, James S. Brown, Christen Lingo Christensen, and Lydia Brinkerhoff, tried to reach out, understand, and help the Native Americans.

153The men were all distinguished and devoted as early pioneers and missionaries in the area, and Lydia Brinkerhoff also stands out. The wife of the last bishop of Tuba City ward before it was dissolved in 1903, she learned a great deal from her interactions with the Arizona Indians. She did not let language barriers or cultural differences keep her from mingling with the Navajo, Hopi, and other local Indians for eighteen years in Tuba City.

153Despite the lack of organized contacts, she often worked closely with them. The Indian women helped her wash clothes, card wool, or find food for the Brinkerhoff family. "Many times in case of sickness they have called at my home at night and asked for medicine for their sick children. 96 97 She had gone on a "foreign mission" to the Tuba City area, and she learned to love and care for the people she found there. Many years later she summed up her experiences with the Indians in Tuba City by saying, "I never feared them even when alone with my little folks on the ranch, instead, I felt confident they were my best friends." 98

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159The March of the Mormon Battalion in its Greater American Historical Setting

159by Bruce A. Van Orden

159To the Latter-day Saints, the march of the Mormon Battalion is a major historical event, illustrating the courage and stamina of the Mormon people. By contrast, the march rates no mention at all in American history survey texts. Even in annals of the Mexican-American War, the march receives only peripheral attention amid the discussion of Stephen W. Kearny's Army of the West. This paper attempts to place the march of the Mormon Battalion in its appropriate position in western American history.

159Background to the Mexican War

159By the mid-1840s the United States was caught up in an emotional upsurge known as Manifest Destiny. Countless citizens, feeling a sense of mission, believed that Almighty God had "manifestly" destined the American people for a hemispheric career. America would irresistibly spread its uplifting and ennobling democratic institutions over the entire continent. Land-hungry and restless westerners, together with many expansionist politicians, successfully united greed and democratic ideals into a popular philosophy.

159 - 160 James K. Polk, dark-horse Democratic presidential candidate in 1844, ran on the expansionist platform, which called for the annexation of Texas and the occupation of all of Oregon, all the way to 54° 40'. Even though Polk narrowly outpolled Henry Clay in the election, he and his fellow land-hungry Democrats claimed the victory was a "mandate" to take Texas. Lame-duck President John Tyler signed a joint resolution to annex Texas three days before he left the White House in March 1845. This move deeply offended Mexico, which had never recognized Texas' independence since it had been declared in 1836 and which still considered Texas to be one of its provinces.

160Once in authority, President Polk was willing to compromise on the Oregon issue and asked only for territory to the forty-ninth parallel. Negotiators with Britain were able to achieve a settlement by June 1846, a month after the beginning of the Mexican War. This was fortunate, since had the United States been forced into a costly war with Great Britain, disaster might have followed in its conflict with Mexico.

160Meanwhile, early in his administration, Polk and the disciples of Manifest Destiny were eager to obtain the verdant valleys of California and the harbor at San Francisco for the United States. Polk was willing to pay Mexico handsomely for California, but negotiations with the Mexican government became seriously endangered mostly because of Texas, but also because of claims against Mexicans for some $3 million in damages to American citizens and their property. Furthermore, the Mexican government was riddled by revolution. So Polk was worried when he heard disquieting rumors that the British intended to buy or seize California from Mexico.

160Frustrated, President Polk prepared to force a showdown. He ordered General Zachary Taylor to march from the Nueces River, recognized by Mexico as the southwestern boundary of Texas, to the Rio Grande, claimed by Texas and the United States to be the border. Polk clearly believed that this would lead to a clash. Sure enough, on 25 April 1846, Mexican troops crossed the Rio Grande and attacked General Taylor's command. As soon as Polk heard of the encounter, he sent a vigorous war message to Congress. War was formally declared on 13 May.

161Polk and his advisers, aware that a protracted war would be costly and would further disrupt the American populace, developed a four-pronged attack: (1) General Taylor was to cross the Rio Grande with a much enlarged volunteer army to invade northern Mexico and capture Monterey and other cities; (2) the navy was to blockade the Mexican ports on the Gulf of Mexico; (3) the navy was to seize San Francisco and blockade other California ports; and (4) Colonel Stephen W. Kearny of the Army of the West was to occupy Santa Fe in New Mexico and then traverse the desert to California and there overpower all Mexican garrisons and occupy California for the United States. It was with the fourth provision of this plan that the Mormon Battalion was to play its role in the War.

161 - 162Authorization of the Mormon Battalion

161 - 162The Latter-day Saints began leaving Nauvoo in February and March of 1846, the year of the beginning of the conflict between the United States and Mexico, for a new home in the West. Before leaving, Brigham Young had authorized Jesse C. Little to go to Washington, D.C., to embrace whatever facilities for emigrating to the Western Coast the federal government might offer. 1 On his way to Washington, and on the same day the United States declared war on Mexico, 13 May 1846, Elder Little preached at a special conference of the Church at Philadelphia. In attendance was a twenty-four-year-old non-Mormon lawyer who would play a leading role in Mormon relations with Washington for years to come-Thomas L. Kane. Kane was the son of the Pennsylvania state attorney general and close friend of President Polk. Kane, who had been sympathetically following newspaper reports of persecutions against the Mormons, introduced himself to Elder Little after the meeting, and the two spent the rest of the day in earnest conversation. By the end of the day they had exchanged favors with each other. Kane obtained a letter of introduction to Brigham Young, since he was eager to travel to the Missouri River and then travel with the Mormons to California. In return Elder Little obtained from Kane a letter of introduction to the vice-president of the United States, George M. Dallas, and to other highly placed officials.

162Elder Little arrived in Washington on 21 May in the midst of the war fever that was gripping the nation's capital. He met President Polk at a reception the following day, but it was his meeting a day later with Amos Kendall, long a member of the inner circle of the Democratic Party in Washington, that began to produce some fruit. Kendall offered hope that approximately one thousand Mormons could be enlisted into the army to help defend California for the United States. But Little, unable to meet with Polk for a week and a half, sent a letter on 1 June to the President, threatening that if the Mormons were not successful in getting support from Washington, they might seek for it from another source. The British were the implied other source. It will be remembered that at that very time delicate negotiations were proceeding with the British over the Oregon question.

162On 2 June, the Cabinet approved President Polk' s plan to have Colonel Stephen W. Kearny, the commander of the U.S. Army of the West, receive into the service a few hundred Mormons who were on their way to California. Polk admitted in his diary that his move was to conciliate the Mormons and to prevent them from taking pan in any conflict against America. In subsequent days Elder Little was able to meet twice with President Polk about the enlistment of a Mormon Battalion. Thomas Kane also conferred with Polk and the secretary of war, William L. Marcy, on the same subject.

162 - 163On 3 June 1846, the secretary of war sent orders to Colonel Stephen W. Kearny, who was setting up the Army of the West. After recruiting sufficient personnel from the state of Missouri, Kearny was charged with conquering Santa Fe and establishing a civil government in New Mexico; then he was to press forward to California in order to bring all of Upper California (a loose term referring to the vast, largely uninhabited territory now comprising the states of Arizona, California, Nevada, Utah, and pans of Idaho, Wyoming, Colorado, and New Mexico) into the possession of the United States. Marcy told Kearny that as soon as he began his expedition, he would be promoted to the rank of brevet brigadier general. Kearny's orders contained the following instruction regarding the Mormons and their recruitment:

163It is known that a large body of Mormon emigrants are en route to California for the purpose of settling in that country. You are desired to use all proper means to have a good understanding with them, to the end that the United States may have their cooperation in taking Possession of, and holding that country. It has been suggested here [a reference to the visits of Elder Little and Thomas L. Kane], that many of these Mormons would willingly enter into the service of the United States, and aid us in our expedition against California. You are hereby authorized to muster into service such as can be induced to volunteer; not, however, to a number exceeding one-third of your entire force. Should they enter the service, they will be paid as other volunteers, and you can allow them to designate, so far as it can be properly done, the persons to act as officers thereof. 2

163The Army of the West

163Stephen Watts Kearny, born of Irish parents in 1794 in New Jersey, was a veteran of War of 1812. He had served with distinction on the American frontier ever since and was one of the United States Army's most highly regarded and experienced officers. Before General Kearny was to leave Fort Leavenworth on the Missouri for Santa Fe, he needed to muster into the service approximately one thousand recruits from Missouri to go along with his vaunted First Dragoons (dragoons are heavily armed mounted troops). When Congress declared war on 13 May, it had called for 50,000 volunteers to serve for twelve months in the various theaters of the war. Most of Kearny's Army of the West would consist of volunteers, including two thousand Missourians (another thousand would come in after Kearny left Fort Leavenworth) and five hundred Mormons.

163 - 164Volunteers began to file into Fort Leavenworth on 5 June and were assigned to companies of the First Missouri Mounted Volunteers. These men hailed from the Missouri River valley, and many of them had known and opposed the Mormons during the Saints' sojourn in Missouri in the 1830s. The enlistees selected their own officers, choosing as their colonel a veteran lawyer from Liberty, known well to the Mormons as a friend-Alexander W. Doniphan, whose actions in 1838 saved the life of the Prophet Joseph Smith. Doniphan earned an important niche in military history during the Mexican War, but to the Latter-day Saints he will always be held in honorable remembrance for his acts of charity toward them during a most trying period of persecution.

164On 30 June General Kearny left Fort Leavenworth for Santa Fe with 1,658 armed troops. En route the army obtained more supplies at Bent's Fort and then pushed on as rapidly as possible to Santa Fe, arriving there 18 August. A potential Mexican resistance did not materialize, and Kearny's force entered the New Mexican capital as conquerors who were not required to fire a single shot. For the next month Kearny graciously obtained the loyalty of the New Mexicans to the United States and established a civil territorial government (whose laws were mostly drawn up by Colonel Doniphan). On 25 September Kearny struck out for the Pacific with three hundred men, leaving the army in Santa Fe under the jurisdiction of Colonel Doniphan.

164 - 165On 6 October Kearny encountered the famous scout Kit Carson, who informed him that California had already been conquered by Americans. So Kearny decided to send two hundred men back to Santa Fe and press on more quickly to California in order to establish a civil government according to his orders. His army completed their difficult journey to California in December and suffered many of the same privations that the Mormon Battalion endured a month or so behind them. Before Kearny's troops reached the Pacific, however, they learned that the Californios (residents of Mexican descent in California) had revolted and had regained control over pans of California. Kearny's men engaged some of the Califomios at San Pascual, some twenty-nine miles from San Diego, between 6 and 10 December. Several Americans were killed or injured. Kearny himself was seriously wounded. His men were rescued by a contingent of the American navy in San Diego. In early January 1847, just two and a half weeks before the Mormon Battalion arrived in San Diego, Kearny and Commodore Stockton invaded Los Angeles and helped win back all of California for the United States.

165Returning to Fort Leavenworth in June 1846, Kearny ordered Captain James Allen of his dragoons to recruit five hundred Mormons into the Army of the West. Most of the career of the thirty-year-old Allen had been spent on the frontier. "You will have the Mormons distinctly to understand that I wish to have them as volunteers for twelve months," Kearny's orders to Allen read.

165They will be marched to California, receiving pay and allowances during the above time, and at its expiration they will be discharged, and allowed to retain, as their private property, the guns and accoutrements furnished to them at this post.

165Kearny also indicated that each of five companies would be allowed four women as laundresses, who would travel with the army. Captain Allen was also told that as soon as five companies of one hundred apiece were recruited among the Mormons, he would be considered the lieutenant colonel of the battalion. 3

165 - 166Captain Allen immediately proceeded to the camps of the Mormons in Iowa, arriving first at Mt. Pisgah on 26 June, 1846. Church leaders there, fearing a plot to harm the Saints, sent Allen to see Brigham Young, who had arrived at Council Bluffs on the Missouri River. Messengers were sent ahead of Allen to inform President Young, who recognized the recruiting effort to be a result of Elder Jesse Little's assignment in the East. Effectively using his influence as the spiritual leader of the Saints, Brigham Young convinced a number of young men who were otherwise suspicious of the designs of the United States to enlist. He also selected the officers for the battalion. Leaving Council Bluffs on 16 July, Colonel Allen marched his new Mormon soldiers to Fort Leavenworth, where they received equipment and arms, but drew a money allowance for their uniforms, which they sent back to their Church leaders. In contrast to most of the Missouri volunteers who preceded them to Fort Leavenworth, the Mormons to a man could all sign their own name to receive their money.

166Many soldiers at Fort Leavenworth suffered that summer from malaria, some of them quite severely, including Colonel Allen. Still sick when the battalion was ready to march to Santa Fe on 13 August, Allen sent the men ahead, promising to catch up with them when he became well. Unfortunately, on 23 August, Allen died. Upon orders of Lieutenant Colonel Clifton Wharton, then commanding officer of Fort Leavenworth, First Lieutenant Andrew Jackson Smith of the First Dragoons took over temporary command of the battalion and joined them en route to Santa Fe. Mormon Battalion lore speaks of the harsh disciplinarian measures of Lt. Smith and his extremely demanding forced marches, but in truth the battalion members were still by and large an undisciplined lot, militarily speaking, and were encumbered by many women and children who at first accompanied them. Furthermore, Smith, a West Point graduate, was trying to get the battalion to Santa Fe before Kearny left the city. Before arriving at Santa Fe on October 9, Smith sent a sick detachment to spend the winter in Pueblo. Colonel Doniphan sent another sick detachment from Santa Fe. Still another sick group would go to Pueblo after the battalion left for the Pacific. Smith's attempts to see Kearny in Santa Fe were in vain, for Kearny had embarked on his journey across the desert more than two weeks earlier.

166Cooke's Wagon Road

166On the evening of October 2, while encamped near La Joya in New Mexico, General Kearny obtained his first official news about the Mormon Battalion: it had been appropriately recruited and was approaching Santa Fe, but Colonel James Allen had died. The general, fearing that the Mormons would elect one of their own who was not part of the regular army to command, decided to send his best officer, the hawk-nosed disciplinarian Captain Phillip St. George Cooke, back to Santa Fe to command the Mormon Battalion. Kearny also realized that the rigorous journey to California would require a strict disciplinarian to assure the safe arrival of the battalion. To Kearny, the Mormon Battalion was his strategic reserve to be held for unexpected problems along the Pacific shore. Furthermore, he intended to honor his pledge to transport the Mormons to new homes in California.

167This new appointment for Cooke, which also promoted him to voluntary colonel, came as a shattering blow to one who was eager for the glory of combat on the field of battle. As late as 1859, Cooke still complained that the appointment to command the Mormon Battalion robbed him of greater military recognition. But the obedient Cooke reluctantly returned to Santa Fe to meet his new charges. Before commanding the Mormon Battalion, Cooke, also a West Point graduate, had served the army primarily on the Great Plains frontier. One of Cooke's major contributions to his country was his detailed descriptions in his military journal of his campaigns. Cooke's similar daily and detailed descriptions of the march of the Mormon Battalion augments our understanding of the epic march.

167 - 168Upon assuming command of the Battalion on 13 October, Cooke found the Mormons in Santa Fe to be in two basic categories: the fit and the unfit. He ordered all the women, children, and infirm to go to Pueblo, where they would spend the winter; then in the spring they would be transported at government expense to their projected home in California, where everyone in the United States army expected them to settle. Though Colonel Cooke found the Mormons generally obedient to authority, he also noted their obstinacy in being forced to be separated from their families and from each other. By 19 October, Cooke was ready to march with his aggregate strength of 397 men. (The force would soon be further reduced to 350, a third contingent being sent to Pueblo.)

168Before beginning the march, Cooke had received orders from General Kearny that he was to blaze a wagon route to the Pacific with his battalion. Of all the accomplishments of the Mormon Battalion, there is hardly any more significant than the establishment of what is known in history as Cooke 's Wagon Road. Whereas Kearny's route to the Pacific was practical for mules, it was not serviceable for wagons. A previously forged Spanish trail linking El Paso with Janos, Fronteras, Santa Cruz, and Tucson not only ran too far south, but also entered the fortified garrison towns in Northern Mexico. And since Colonel Cooke did not consider the Mormon Battalion strong enough to conquer and hold these garrisons, nor was that their primary task, he realized that he had to blaze a new route from the Rio Grande to the Pacific.

168The Mormon Battalion forged a new road generally north of Mexico's northern frontier towns, yet the route lay south of the Apache strongholds. It avoided the treacherous Gila Canyon, but it also crossed the most difficult seventy-mile desert between the Santa Cruz River to the Gila River. Cooke had inadequate maps to chart his course, and his guides often made serious mistakes. Nevertheless, Cooke and his men blazed a new wagon road through a vast and unmarked wilderness and successfully completed the road. With limited knowledge of the region initially, the battalion performed an admirable job. Henceforth any well-equipped wagon train could successfully travel Cooke's Wagon Road. It became a vital link in east-west communications, joining the major Mexican routes uniting Mexico City with Santa Fe and Tucson. John F. Yurtinus described the significance of this accomplishment:

168 - 169In later years, portions of this mad were used by gold seekers, soldiers, mail contractors, settlers, boundary commissioners, and railroads. While the Latter-day Saint soldiers perceived California as a haven of refuge and were too busy building a road to contemplate the long-term implications of their work, nevertheless, the achievements of these hardy soldiers not only increased man's geographical knowledge of the borderlands, but eventually contributed to the political debate over the proposed transcontinental railroad and diplomatic acquisition of the Gadsden Purchase. 4

169The Treaty of Guadalupe-Hildalgo in 1848 officially ended the Mexican-American War and set the border between the two nations at the Gila River. Much of Cooke's Wagon Road was south of the new frontier. Even so, the Butterfield Stage Trail followed Cooke' s route from the Gila River to the Pacific. The existence of Cooke's Wagon Road was a major factor in the Gadsden Purchase of 1853, in which the United States bought a large chunk of present-day Arizona south of the Gila River for $10,000,000 from Mexico. Cooke himself described his military memoirs the importance of his road to the Gadsden Purchase:

169A new administration [the Pierce Democratic administration of 1853-57], in which southern interest prevailed, with the great problem of the practicability and best location of a Pacific Railroad under investigation, had the map of this wagon route before them, with its continuance to the west, and perceived that it gave exactly the solution of its unknown element; that a southern route would avoid both the Rocky Mountains and Sierra Nevada, with their snows, and would meet no obstacle in this great interval. The new "Gadsden Treaty" with Mexico was the result. 5

169Although the sectional controversy preceding the American Civil War prevented the actual construction of a railroad for several years, the Southern Pacific Railroad eventually joined Texas and California in 1882. Neither the Southern Pacific nor any other line actually followed the trail forged by the Mormon Battalion, but all lines went through the Gadsden Purchase territory, which might never have been obtained by the United States if the Mormon Battalion had not marched there.

169 - 170A significant Mexican village south of the Gila, destined to become an Arizona metropolis, Tucson, was on the route of the Mormon Battalion. It was also the strongest Mexican garrison between Santa Fe and California. Cooke prepared his Mormon army to engage the Mexicans at Tucson, but the Mexican soldiers, fearing that they might be routed, fled the city and took many of the inhabitants with them. The battalion consequently marched through Tucson without major incident. But as any student of Mormon history knows, the rest of the journey to the Pacific, though not encumbered with battles of any kind, was a perilous journey over most difficult terrain.

170Upon arriving at the Mission of San Diego on 30 January 1847, Colonel Phillip St. George Cooke commended his men, who by then had become a loyal and disciplined force:

170History may be searched in vain for an equal march of infantry. Half of it has been through a wilderness where nothing but savages and wild beasts are found, or deserts where, for want of water, there is no living creature. There, with almost hopeless labor we have dug deep wells, which the future traveler will enjoy. Without a guide who had traversed them, we have ventured into trackless table-lands where water was not found for several marches. With crowbar and pick and axe in hand, we have worked our way over mountains, which seemed to defy aught save the wild goat, and hewed a passage through a chasm of living rock more narrow than our wagons. To bring these first wagons to the Pacific, we have preserved the strength of our mules by herding them over large tracts, which you have laboriously guarded without loss. The garrison of four presidios of Sonora concentrated within the walls of Tucson, gave us no pause. We drove them out, with their artillery, but our intercourse with the citizens was unmarked by a single act of injustice. Thus, marching half naked and half fed, and living upon wild animals, we have discovered and made a road of great value to our country. 6

170 - 171Garrison Duty in Southern California

170 - 171Before arriving in San Diego, Colonel Cooke received word that General Stephen W. Kearny had defeated the Californios and that the latter were fleeing across the Mormon Battalion's path toward the Mexican state of Sonora. Thus were Cooke' s hopes for glorious combat duty revived. The colonel then decided to march toward Los Angeles in hope of intercepting the escaping Califomios. The Mormon soldiers, having been promised by Brigham Young that they would not have to fight, were distraught. But when a messenger reached the battalion with news that the war in California was over and that they should meet Gen. Kearny at San Diego, the Mormons rejoiced.

171 Gen. Kearny, after reviewing the Mormon Battalion and becoming assured of their loyalty to him (this was of great concern to Kearny, because he was then embroiled in a struggle with John C. Fremont for military and civilian authority in California), ordered them to the mission of San Luis Rey to await further instructions. San Luis Rey was fifty-three miles north of San Diego on the road to Los Angeles. Colonel Cooke instituted a vigorous twenty-day program of basic infantry training, because "up to that time the Battalion had never had opportunity to receive instruction in arms." 7 Cooke was fully cognizant that the California insurgents recognized the divided nature of the American forces in Southern California and awaited reinforcements from Mexico to renew the war. Cooke wanted his Mormon Battalion ready to do battle in the event Mexican soldiers arrived from Sonora. The battalion remained on battle alert in San Luis Rey until the middle of March.

171 Gen. Kearny had gone to Monterey in northern California to establish an American capital and to obtain reinforcements in his argument against Fremont. Kearny sent instructions to Cooke placing him in command of the Southern Military District and ordering him to take most of his battalion north to Los Angeles to deal with Fremont's California Volunteers (who were almost all recent immigrants from Missouri and therefore natural opponents of the Mormons). One company of the battalion was sent to San Diego to guard the presidio there.

171 - 172In Los Angeles, Colonel Cooke and the Mormon soldiers successfully warded off Fremont's challenges to the authority of General Kearny in California. Tempers often flared between Fremont's Missourians and the Mormons. One evening Cooke even ordered his soldiers to load their guns and fix their bayonets to prepare for an incipient attack by Fremont's men. In reaction to the problems, Cooke ordered the Mormon troops to a small hill just south of Los Angeles, where they built Fort Moore. The fort not only kept the Mormon Battalion in military control of Los Angeles, it also afforded protection in case Fremont's men attacked. 8

172While in the Los Angeles vicinity, many Mormons became disgusted with the bars, gambling houses, and houses of prostitution that were so numerous in the pueblo. One evening the Californios hosted a festival, including a bull-fight. The Mormons were invited but refused to attend, for they considered the invitation a ruse to draw them into town while California conspirators captured Fort Moore. Instead of enjoying the celebration, the Saints remained in their fort with guns and cannon loaded for an expected attack. 9

172Twice during April 1847, Colonel Cooke ordered parties of the Mormon Battalion to guard Cajon Pass (near present day San Bernardino) to prevent hostile Indians from sweeping down from the high desert to steal cattle and horses in the Los Angeles basin. Later in May Cooke ordered another patrol to prevent Indian raids in the countryside surrounding Isaac Williams' ranch (at present-day Chino.) They surprised a small band of Indians in a mountain cave and killed five or six. Two Mormons received slight wounds in this first and only battle which battalion members had with other humans. 10

172Meanwhile, Company B of the battalion guarded San Diego against the possibility of a counterattack. Though fighting never ensued, there was always the possibility of it. At first the San Diegans were afraid of the Mormons, but the fear wore off as the Saints proved to be quiet and industrious, a boon to the local economy. Many soldiers helped dig wells, build streets, and construct bricks for the growing community. 11

172 - 173On 16 July 1847, the one-year enlistment of the Mormon Battalion came to an end. All but eighty-one were mustered out of the service and made arrangements to join their families and the Mormon people wherever they might be. Those who reenlisted made up a company called the Mormon Volunteers. The enlistment of so many Saints was unexpected by the military authorities in Los Angeles. Most of the Mormon Volunteers went to San Diego to continue garrison duty. Others guarded the route between Los Angeles and San Diego. Captain Jesse D. Hunter became the American government's Indian agent for the Southern Military District. Hunter secured an inventory of farms, horses, cattle and property belonging to the mission of San Luis Rey and encouraged the Indians to return to the mission and to stop quarreling with local residents. 12

173While the Mormon Volunteers were stationed in San Diego, there were recurring threats of insurrection and counterrevoluntionary activity led by former Mexican leaders. The volunteers were on constant alert and admirably thwarted all plans of counterrevolutionaries. On being discharged on 14 March 1848, these men were guided by Orrin Porter Rockwell and others to Salt Lake City, where the Mormon people had since settled. They brought the first wagons through Cajon Pass, thus linking a southern route from Salt Lake City to Los Angeles. 13

173Other Contributions

173After March 1847, the Mormon Battalion no longer remained in one unit. Other varied contributions were made by battalion members thereafter. One often-overlooked group of fifteen were chosen by Colonel Cooke to accompany Gen. Kearny and Cooke across the California Trail to Fort Leavenworth. They helped guard John C. Fremont before the latter was officially arrested for insubordination by Gen. Kearny at Fort Leavenworth.

173 - 174A number of Mormons, upon reading a letter from Brigham Young brought by Captain James Brown, decided to remain and work in northern California during the winter of 1847-48. Some men worked as carpenters and roofers on various structures, including the town hall in the capital Monterey. A larger number of men obtained odd jobs at Sutter's Fort in the Sacramento Valley. About halfway between Sutter's Fort and the sawmill, two Mormons, Sidney Willis and Wilford Hudson, discovered gold in the South Fork of the American River near contemporary Folsom, California. They called the site Mormon Diggins, and the nearby sandbar Mormon Island. Sam Brannan joined the gold-digging corporation and soon was publicizing the discovery of gold, which contributed to the ensuing gold rush to California. Some of the precious metal was brought to Deseret by the battalion boys.

174The Mormon Holmes party, consisting of many of those who wintered at Sutter's Fort, built a wagon road over the Carson Pass in the Sierra Nevadas (contemporary California 88 follows this road) and provided an alternative to the frequently snowed-in Donner Pass route on the California Trail.

174Captain Jefferson Hunt of the battalion helped with several exploring parties of the Saints along the southern route. With the considerable understanding of California he had obtained, and use of the contacts he had made as a soldier, Hunt also helped head the company of Latter-day Saints who colonized San Bernardino for the Church in 1851.

174Summary

174As wars go, the Mexican-American War was a small one. It cost some 13,000 American lives, most of them taken by disease. (The three Mormon Battalion deaths were all due to sickness.) America's total expanse, already vast, was increase by about one-third (counting the contested Texas)-an addition even greater than that of the Louisiana Purchase. A sharp stimulus was given to the spirit of Manifest Destiny.

174The Mormons' contributions to the war were relatively minimal, although not to be totally discounted. The Mexican War offered a chance for the United States government and the Latter-day Saints to strike a bargain beneficial to both. The Mormons would remain loyal and provide troops to President James K. Polk; the government would provide the opportunity for the Saints to acquire much-needed cash while transporting a large body of Mormons to the West at government expense and allowing the Mormon Battalion to retain their arms and acoutrements.

175The battalion provided exceedingly useful backup to General Kearny in California during his dispute with the insubordinate John C. Fremont. The Mormon soldiers guarded various crucial spots in southern California against potential insurgency by the Mexicans and Californios.

175Through the efforts of the Mormon Battalion, California became more accessible to American immigrants from the eastern part of the United States. Although the soldiers often followed previously established trails used by Indians, mountain men, and explorers, they added a new dimension by bringing wagons over the trail. And they made notable contributions to road construction in three distinct areas: Cooke's Wagon Road, the wagon road over Carson Pass in the Sierra Nevadas, and the first wagons from Los Angeles to Salt Lake City through the Cajon Pass.

175The notable gold rush to California and the obtaining of the Gadsden Purchase by the United States are two other major events in American history indelibly affected by members of the Mormon Battalion.

175Thus we see that the march of the Mormon Battalion, though not of major importance in military history, is nevertheless significant to American and as well as to Latter-day Saint history.

1. The Mormon Battalion passed through southern Arizona stopping at San Bernardino Ranch (now Slaughter Runch) and at Tucson. Charles S. Peterson, John F. Yurtinus, David E. Atldnson und A. Kent Powell, Mormon Battallion Trail Guide (Salt Lake City: Utah State Historical Society, 1972), p. 42, 44. Also a group of Mormons, enticed by the Mexican commandant, temporarily settled at Tubac in 1851. The Mexican commander offered them land in the rich fertile valley. Unfortunately as a result of a severe drought they abandoned their efforts and they continued on to California the following year settling at Santa Isabel. James H. McClintock, Mormon Settlement in Arizona (Phoenix: James H. McClintock, Arizona Historiun, 1921), pp. 6, 56.

1. Daniel W. Jones, Forty Years Among the Indians (Salt Lake City: Juvenile Instructor Office, 1890), p. 243.

2. Charles S. Peterson, Take Up Your Mission: Mormon Colonizing Along the Little Colorado River 1870-1900 (Provo, Utah: Brigham Young University Press, 1973), p. 13.

3. Jones, Forty Years, p. 304.

4. Ibid., 305.

5. Ibid., 306.

6. Ibid., pp. 307-8.

7. W. Earl Merrill, One Hundred Steps Down Mesa's Past (Mesa, Arizona: W. Earl Merrill, 1970), pp. 27.

8. Andrew Jenson, Encyclopedic History of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints (Salt Lake City: Deseret News Publishing Company, 1941), p. 426.

9. Jones, Forty Years, p. 312.

10. Merrill, One Hundred Steps, p. 38.

11. B. H. Roberts, ed., History of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, 7 vols. (Salt Lake City: Deseret News, 1952), 7:626.

12. Hi-Lights from the Jesse N. Perkins, Sr. Family Organization, Volume I Number 3 (September 1956), p. 10.

13. Ibid., p. 11.

14. "Record of Brigham Young Perkins and ancestors-as related by himself at a late age in life," held by Maxine W. Nebeker, Mesa, Arizona, n.p, n.d.

15. Perkins Hi-Lights, p. 5.

16. Ibid., p. 6.

17. Merrill, One Hundred Steps, p. 60.

18. Jones, Forty Years, pp. 313.

19. Merrill, One Hundred Steps, p. 60.

20. Ibid., p. 61.

21. Ibid., p. 62.

22. Perkins Hi-Lights, p. 16.

23. Merrill, One Hundred Steps, p. 212.

24. Perkins Hi-Lights, p. 16.

25. Ibid.

26. Ibid.

27. Perkins Hi-Lights, p. 17.

28. Lucille Plumb, "Smallpox," Jocie B. Tenney, Taylor Centennial Stories (Fort Grant, Arizona: Eastern Arizona College, Fort Grant Training Center, 1978) p. 71.

1. Water now covers this crossing because of the Glen Canyon Dam.

2. The word Pahreah was an Indian name for a stream of water having willows growing along its banks. The prefix pah meant water; reah willows. The stream is referred to by the following names: Paria, Pahreah, and Parier.

3. The other ferry crossing used in 1862 by Jacob Hamblin was at the Grand Wash, below Grand Canyons.

4. James H. McClintock, Mormon Settlement in Arizona (Phoenix: Manufacturing Stationers, 1921), 90, 96. (The maps now list it as Pierce's Ferry.)

5. Pearson H. Corbett, Jacob Hamblin the Peacemaker (Salt Lake City: Deseret Book, 1952), 239-40.

6. Ibid., 243-44.

7. Ibid.

8. Ibid.

9. Ibid.

10. Ibid., 299. Professor Powell took much interest in their festivals, dances, religious ceremonies, and manner of living.

11. Robert Glass Cleland and Juanita Brooks, A Mormon Chronicle: The Diaries of John D. Lee (Salt Lake City: University of Utah Press, 1983), 2: 175-76. All spelling and punctuation in quotes are the same asthe original.

12. Ibid.

13. Juanita Brooks, "Lee's Ferry at Lonely Dell," Utah Historical Quarterly, 25:283.

14. Ibid.

15. Ibid. 284.

16. Juanita Brooks, Emma Lee (Logan, Utah: Utah State University Press, 1984), 58-9.

17. Cleland and Brooks, Diaries of Lee, 2:180.

18. Ibid., 181.

19. Ibid., 182, 223.

20. Ibid., 202.

21. Ibid., 206.

22. Ibid., 183.

23. Ibid., 206.

24. Ibid., 181.

25. Corbett, Hamblin the Peacemaker, 387.

26. Brooks, "Lee's Ferry," 25:28&

27. Cleland and Brooks, Diaries of Lee, 2:219.

28. Ibid., 238.

29. Ibid., 239.

30. Ibid., 241.

31. Ibid., 240.

32. Ibid.

33. Ibid., 244.

34. Brooks, Emma Lee, 74.

35. Ibid., 75-6.

36. Cleland and Brooks, John Doyle Lee, 335, 373.

37. Brooks, Emma Lee, 97.

38. Corbett, Hamblin the Peacemaker, 389-90.

39. Brooks, Emma Lee, 93.

40. McClintock, Mormon Settlement, 95.

41. Ibid.

42. Ibid.

43. Scott G. Kenney, ed., Wilford Woodruff's Journal, (Midvale: Signature Books, 1985), 7:473.

44. Brooks, Emma Lee, 97-8.

45. Ibid., 99-100.

46. Ibid., 100-8.

47. John A. Hunt, "My Trip fiom Arizona to Utah after Grandmother," Snowflake Historical Society Wagon Trails Issues 22, 23 (September-December 1978), 6.

48. C. Gregory Crampton and W.L. Rusno, Desert River Crossing (Salt Lake City: Peregrine Smith, 1981), 49-53.

49. Ibid., 54-9.

50. Evelyn Brack Measeles, Lee's Ferry A Crossing on the Colorado (Boulder, Colorado: Protel Publishing, 1981), 33.

51. Ibid., 45.

52. Ibid. 81.

53. Ibid., 85.

54. Ibid. 92.

55. Measeles, Lee's Ferry, 61.

56. Brooks, "Lee's Ferry," 25:292.

57. Measeles, Lee's Ferry, 103.

1. William Mulder, Homeward to Zion (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1957), 18.

2. E. Dale LeBaron, "Benjamin Franklin Johnson: Colonizer, Public Servant, and Church Leader," Doctoral Dissertation (Brigham Young University, 1966), 120.

3. Hasel Bradshaw, ed., Under Dixie Sun (Panguitch, Utah: Garfield County News, 1950), 165.

4. Personal Interview with Mrs. Nellie McArthur Gubler, Santa Clara, Utah, 8 August, 1985.

5. Ibid., 239. This verse is but one in a song written by George Hicks about the settling of Utah's Dixie. Among the song's many other verses are the following:

I feel so weak and hungry now, I think I'm nearly dead;
Tis seven weeks next Sunday, since I have tasted bread.
Of carrot tops and lucern greens we've had enough to eat--
But I'd like to change that diet off for buckwheat cakes and meat.
The hot winds whirl around me, and take away my breath;
I've had the chills and fever, till I'm nearly shook to death;
"All earthly tribulations are but a moment here;
And, oh, if I prove faithful, a righteous crown I'll wear."
These and other writings by Hicks drew the ire of one local authority who told him, "Brother Hicks, I am a man of few words. I am of the opinion that you would make a good-looking tassel on the end of a rope." Brigham Young informed him he should "go and drink soup with an Eagle!" The general membership found his light-hearted verse a welcome release and a chance to laugh at themselves.

6. "Journal of William Butler," pp. 18-19. Copy in the possession of the author.

7. "Journal of John Morgan." Copy in the possession of the author. This journal contains numerous references to San Luis Valley between the dates of 1878 and 1884.
Other primary sources are the Manassa Ward, the Sanford Ward, and the San Luis Stake manuscript' histories located in the archives of The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints in Salt Lake City, Utah.

1. "Temples of Our Lord, Ancient and Modern," Genealogical and Historical Magazine of the Arizona Temple District, April 1926, 3:38 (hereafter cited as GHMA); James. W. LeSueur, "The Arizona Temple," Utah Genealogical Historical Magazine, January 1927, 18:1 (hereafter cited as UGHM); see also Frank T. Pomeroy, "Arizona Temple: Intimate Description of Sacred Temple," GMHA, July 1927, 4:10; and LeSueur,"The Arizona Temple," Improvement Era, October 1927, 30: 1-2.

2. Deseret News, 21 August 1920, 4.

3. "The Arizona Temple," GMHA, April 1939, 15:4-5; Deseret News, 3 December 1921, D&C 3, 7.

4. Gusse Thomas Smith, "The Mormon Temple at Mesa," GMHA, January 1928, 5:4.

5. LeSueur, "The Story Told by the Frieze of the Temple," GMHA, July 1927, 4: 19ff.; Rae Rose Kirkham, "Shrine of Mormonism," Arizona Highways, December 1936, 12:6,24; Joseph Miller, "The Arizona Temple, Shrine of Mormonism," Arizona Highways, November/December 1943, 19:36-37.

6. Richard R. Lyman, "Dedication of the Arizona Temple," Improvement Era, December 1927, 31:93 - 100.

7. "The Dedication of the Arizona Temple," GMHA, October 1927, 4:3.

8. Deseret News, 29 October 1927, D&C 3, 9.

9. Ibid.

10. "Manifestations in the Arizona Temple," GMHA, July 1935, quoted in Lundwall, Temples, 12: 191.

11. Jesse L. Ellsworth, "Remarkable Experience and Testimony Concerning the Bus Wreck," GMHA, April 1934, 11:10-11.

12. Ibid.

13. Lorin F. Jones, interview, 1964, tape recording in possession of the author.

14. Eduardo Balderas, "Northward to Mesa," Ensign, September 1972, 2:30-33.

15. Ibid., 30-31.

16. Ibid., 31.

17. Church News, 10 November 1945; Ivie H. Jones, "Historia Lamanita," Liahona, translated from Spanish by the author, (January 1946), 7-11.

18. Jones, Interview.

19. Report by President Lorin F. Jones of the Spanish-American Mission, Mission Annual Reports, 1945; Report by Alma Sonne, General Authorities Mission Tour Reports, 1945, MS Church Archives.

20. Church News, 10 November 1945, 8.

21. Church News, 30 November 1946, 9.

22. Church News, 15 November 1947, 1.

23. Balderas, "Northward to Mesa," 32-33.

24. Related 23 August 1982, by Harold Wright, president of the Arizona Temple.

25. Church News, 18 December 1965, 11.

26. Lucian Meacham interview, 7 June 1964.

27. Balderas, "Northward to Mesa," 33.

28. Ensign, April 1975, 5:78-79.

29. Church News, 19 April 1975, 3ff.

30. Ibid.

1. Platt Cline, They Came to the Mountain (Flagstaff, Arizona: Northern Arizona University with Old Town Press, 1982), 6.

2. Ibid., 3.

3. Ibid., 4-5.

4. Ibid., 6.

5. Ibid., 8-9.

6. Ibid., 9.

7. Ibid., 10.

8. Ibid., 10.

9. Ibid., 10.

10. Ibid., 11.

11. Ibid., 12.

12. Ibid., 12-13.

13. Ida Flood Dodge, Our Arizona (New York City: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1929), 72.

14. Ibid., 73.

15. Ibid., 74-75.

16. Cline, They Came, 17.

17. Ibid., 18.

18. Ibid., 20.

19. Frank C. Lockwood, Pioneer Days in Arizona (New York City: Macmillan, 1932), 301-02.

20. Lockwood, Pioneer Days, 340.

21. James H. McClintock, Mormon Settlement in Arizona (Phoenix: Manufacturing Stationers, 1921), 150-51.

22. Cline, They Came, 78.

23. Ibid., p. 75.

24. Matthias F. Cowley, Wilford Woodruff (Salt Lake City: Deseret News, 1909), 515-16.

25. Lockwood, Pioneer Days, 340.

26. Cline, They Came, 20.

27. Ibid., 27.

28. Ibid., 35.

29. Ibid., 42.

30. Ibid., 43-44.

31. Ibid., 67.

32. George S. Tanner and J. Morris Richards, Colonization on the Little Colorado (Flagstaff, Arizona: Northland Press, 1977), 26.

33. Tanner and Richards, Colonization, 28.

34. Cline, They Came, 67-68.

35. Cowley, Woodruff, 516.

36. McClintock, Mormon Settlement, 153.

37. Ibid., 152.

38. Ibid., 154.

39. Tanner and Richards, Colonization, 87.

40. Diary of John A. Blythe, George S. Tanner typescript, 16-17.

41. Ibid., 17.

42. Ibid., 18.

43. Ibid., 18.

44. Ibid., 18. There was blank space after the ninth which the author evidently intended to fill in at a later date.

45. Tanner and Richards, Colonization, 76.

46. Journal of Frihoff Godfrey Nielson, 82.

47. "Diary of Frihoff Godfrey Nielson." Original, Brigham Young University Library, typescript copy, 82; hereinafter referred to as Nielson.

48. McClintock, Mormon Settlement, 155.

49. Nielson Diary, 87.

50. Ibid., 87.

51. Ibid., 89.

52. Ibid., 90.

53. Ibid.

54. Tanner and Richards, Colonization, 34.

55. Nielson Diary, 176-77.

56. Cowley, Woodruff, 519.

57. Ibid.

58. Ibid., 519-20.

59. Cited by Tanner and Richards, Colonization, 44.

60. Nielson Diary, 185.

61. Ibid., 234.

62. Tanner and Richards, Colonization, 77.

63. Nielson Diary, 250.

64. The author had a personal conversation with George S. Tanner, in which he estimated that the dairy continued until around 1884. However, Lot Smith had cattle located there for some time, even after his move to Tuba City.

65. Charles S. Peterson, Take Up Your Mission: Mormon Colonizing along the Little Colorado River, 1870-1900 (Provo, Utah: Brigham Young University Press, 1973), 169-70.

66. George Hochderffer, Flagstaff Whoa! (Flagstaff, Arizona: Northland Press, 1965), 112.

67. Cowley, Woodruff, 506.

68. Ibid., 513.

69. Ibid., 529.

70. Ibid., 529.

71. Ibid., 529.

72. Ibid., 530-31.

73. Wilford Woodruff's Journal, 1833-1898 Typescript, Scott G. Kenney, ed., (Midvale, Utah, 1985), 7 (1 January 1871-31, December 1880): 615-21.

74. Cowley, Woodruff, 531.

Charles Peterson, Take Up Your Mission: Mormon Colonizing Along the Little Colorado River, 1870-1900 (Provo, Utah: Brigham Young University Press, 1973), 44-45.

2. Roberta Clayton, ed., Pioneer Women of Arizona (Mesa, Arizona, 1969), 344-45.

3. George S. Tanner and J. Morris Richards, Colonization on the Little Colorado: The Joseph City Region (Flagstaff, Arizona: Northland Press, 1977), 10.

4. Ibid., 11.

5. Ibid.,12.

6. Ibid.

7. Ibid., 13.

8. Ibid.

9. Ibid., 14.

10. Ibid, 18.

11. James H. McClintock, Mormon Settlement in Arizona: A Record of Peaceful Conquest of the Desert (Phoenix, Arizona: Manufacturing Stationers Inc., 1921), 164-76.

12. Diary of Joseph Fish, typescript, Special Collections, Harold B. Lee Library, Brigham Young University, 94 (hereafter cited as BYU Library).

13. Tanner, Colonization on the Little Colorado, 25.

14. Diary of Joseph Fish, 161.

15. Journal of Jesse N. Smith: The Life Story of a Mormon Pioneer, 1834-1906 (Salt Lake City, Utah: Jesse N. Smith Family Association, 1953), 222.

16. Matthias Cowley, ed., Wilford Woodruff, Fourth President of The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints: History of His Life and Labors, as recorded in his daily journals (Salt Lake City, Utah: Deseret News, 1916), 513.

17. Diary of Joseph Fish, 93.

18. Journal of Jesse N. Smith, 222.

19. Scott G. Kenney, ed., Wilford Woodruff's Journal, 9 vols. (Mid-vale, Utah: Signature Books, 1983-1984), 7:473.

20. Roberta Clayton, Pioneer Women of Arizona, 245.

21. John Bushman, The Life and Labors of John Bushman (typescript, BYU Library, 1935), 36.

22. McClintock, Mormon Settlement in Arizona, 95.

23. Ibid.

24. Lucy Hannah White Flake, To the Last Frontier, (BYU Library, n.p. 1973), 69-72.

25. McClintock, Mormon Settlement in Arizona, 98.

26. Robert W. Olsen, Jr., "Pipe Spring," pamphlet (National Park Service, U.S. Department of the Interior, GPO 461-449/20010, Reprint, 1985), 2.

27. Ibid.

28. See, as an example, Annella Hunt Kartchner in Clayton, Pioneer Women of Arizona, 289.

29. Derryfield N. Smith, Ethel Smith Randall, and Saraphine Smith Frost, comp., Silas Derryfield Smith, 1867 to 1956: Memories of a Mormon Pioneer (Mesa, Arizona: March 1970) 38-39.

30. Clayton, Pioneer Women of Arizona, 32.

31. Ibid., 112.

32. Ibid., 209.

33. Ibid., 519.

34. Ibid., 652-53.

35. Ibid., 614.

36. David K. Udall and Pearl Udall, Arizona Pioneer Mormon, David King Udall: His Story and His Family (Tucson, Arizona: Arizona Silhouettes, 1959), 101.

37. Clayton, Pioneer Women of Arizona, 700.

38. Ibid., 581.

39. Roberta Clayton, Pioneer Men of Arizona (n.p. 1974), 486.

40. Clayton, Pioneer Women of Arizona, 137.

1. Leonard J. Arrington, Brigham Young: American Moses (New York: Alfred A. Knoph, 1985), 382.

2. Pearson H. Corbett, Jacob Hamblin the Peacemaker (Salt Lake City: Deseret Book, 1952), 382-83.

3. Journal of Discources (London: Latter-day Saints' Book Depot, 1855-86), 16: 143.

4. Ibid, 16:144.

5. James H. McClintock, Mormon Settlements in Arizona: A Record of Peaceful Conquest of the Desert (Phoenix: Manufacturing Stationers, 1921), 137.

6. Charles S. Peterson, Take Up Your Mission: Mormon Colonizing along the Little Colorado River, 1870-1900 (Provo, UT: Brigham Young University Press, 1973), 15.

7. Arrington, Brigham Young, 382-83.

8. McClintock, Mormon Settlements, 138.

9. Kenneth E. Porter, "Little Colorado River Settlements" (M.S. Thesis, Arizona State University, 1956), 15-16.

10. Adele B. Westover and J. Morris Richards, spanoseph City, AZ: John H. Miller, 1963), 7.

11. McClintock, Mormon Settlements, 140.

12. Ibid., 140.

13. Porter, River Settlements, 19-20.

14. Ibid., 36.

15. Ibid., 20.

16. Ibid., 21.

17. Ibid., 23.

18. Ibid., 22.

19. Ibid., 21.

20. Jesse O. Ballinger to Brigham Young, 13 July 1876, Church Historian's Office, Church Office Building, Salt Lake City, UT.

21. Peterson, Mission, 18-19.

22. Westover and Richards, Courage, 9.

23. Peterson, Mission, 93.

24. George S. Tanner and J. Morris Richards, Joseph City on the Little Colorado (Flagstaff: Northland Press, 1977), 138-39.

25. Ibid., 144.

26. Ibid.

27. Peterson, Mission, 94.

28. Ibid., 95.

29. Ross Warner, United Order of Little Colorado Stake in Arizona (Unpublished paper for Church History 543, Harold B. Lee Library, BYU, 1968), 2.

30. Tanner and Richards, Joseph City, 140.

31. Warner, United Order, 17.

32. Tanner and Richards, Joseph City, 139.

33. Peterson, Mission, 106.

34. Tanner and Richards, Joseph City, 139.

35. Porter, River Settlements, 41. Some historians today feel that it would have been typhoid fever rather than malaria.

36. Ibid.

37. Westover and Richards, Courage, 17.

38. Porter, River Settlements, 42.

39. Ibid., 44.

40. Westover and Richards, Courage, 22.

41. McClintock, Mormon Settlements, 142.

42. Tanner and Richards, Joseph City, 311.

43. Ibid.

44. Ibid.

45. Ibid. 312.

46. Ibid.

47. Westover and Richards, Courage, 13.

48. Peterson, Mission, 95.

49. Arrington, Great Basin Kingdom, 323-40.

50. Warner, United Order, 2.

51. Jesse O. Ballinger to Brigham Young, 7 September 1876.

52. Peterson, Mission, 103.

53. Warner, United Order, 17.

54. Ibid. 18.

55. Tanner and Richards, Joseph City, 153.

56. Peterson, Mission, 97.

57. Warner, United Order, 25.

58. Tanner and Richards, Joseph City, 355-62.

59. Ibid. 359.

60. Ibid. 360-61.

61. Porter, River Settlements, 38.

62. Peterson, Mission, 107.

63. Tanner and Richards, Joseph City, 253.

64. Porter, River Settlements, 39.

65. Tanner and Richards, Joseph City, 253-54.

66. Ibid. 254.

67. Ibid. 255-57.

68. Ibid. 260.

69. Peterson, Mission, 107.

70. Tanner and Richards, Joseph City, 237.

71. Porter, River Settlements, 39.

72. Westover and Richards, Courage, 13.

73. Warner, United Order, 15.

74. Ibid. 13.

75. Westover and Richards, Courage, 15.

76. Tanner and Richards, Joseph City, 238-39.

77. Porter, River Settlements, 42-45.

78. Westover and Richards, Courage.

79. Warner, United Order, 2.

80. Porter, River Settlements, 47-49.

81. Peterson, Mission, 183-84.

82. Ibid., 114.

83. Tanner and Richards, Joseph City, 311.

84. Tanner and Richards, Joseph City, 336.

1. Hal Taylor, interview by Galen L. Fletcher, 23 January 1986, p. 4, copy in Special Collections, Harold B. Lee Library, Brigham Young University.

2. See, for example Bruce R. McConkie's "To the Koreans and All. the People of Asia," in Spencer J. Palmer, The Expanding Church (Salt Lake City: Deseret Book, 1978), 140.

3. See, Eph. 2:19-20; D&C 38:24.

4. The title page of the Book of Mormon states that it is "written to the Lamanites." Enos 1:16 prophesies that the Lord will bring the Book of Mormon "unto the Lamanites in his own due time." In 1884, one Tuba City missionary wrote in his journal, "We spent this day reading the Book of Mormon [and of] the success of Ammon and his brethren with much desire that someday we might have such joy in our labors" (Diary of Christian Lingo Christensen, p. 49, typescript, BYU Library).

5. Edward H. Spicer, Cycles of Conquest: The Impact of Spain, Mexico, and the United States on the Indians of the Southwest, 1533-1960 (Tucson: University of Arizona Press, 1962), 189-91.

6. See "Kachina or Christ?" in Harry S. James, Pages from Hopi History (Tucson: University of Arizona Press, 1974) 44-50.

7. Spicer, Conquest, 21-24.

8. Ibid., 90-91; James, Hopi History, 51-56. For a Hopi perspective on the rebellion, see Harold Courlander, The Fourth World of the Hopis (New York: Crown Publishers, 1971), 158-63,175-84.

9. James, Hopi History, 108, 160.

10. Ibid., 13.

11. Ibid., 94. LDS leaders encouraged the Hopis to settle Moenkopi in order to aid Mormon missionary efforts in the area.

12. Spicer, Conquest, 214-20.

13. Shuichi Nagata, Modern Transformations of Moenkopi Pueblo (Urbana, Ill.: University of Illinois Press, 1970), 31-32.

14. Charles S. Peterson, "The Hopis and the Mormons, 1858-1873," Utah Historical Quarterly 39 (1971): 180.

15. David Kay Flake, "A History of Mormon Missionary Work with the Hopi, Navaho and Zuni Indians" [A History of the Southwest Indian Mission], (M.S. Thesis, Brigham Young University, 1965), 14.

16. Ibid., 5, 16.

17. Peterson, "Hopis and Mormons," 180.

18. James, Hopi History, 86.

19. James A. Little, Jacob Hamblin, A Narrative of His Personal Experiences as a Frontiersman, Missionary to the Indians and Explorer, 2nd ed. (Salt Lake City: Juvenile Instructor's Office, 1909), 66. This book of memoirs was written by Little in 1881 as if Hamblin' s journals and later recollections.

20. Ibid., 67.

21. James, Hopi History, 88.

22. Helen Bay Gibbons, Saint and Savage (Salt Lake City: Deseret Book, 1965), 61-89. This chapter details Andrew S. Gibbons' part in the first mission to the Hopi.

23. Peterson, "Hopis and Mormons," 190.

24. Flake, Missionary Work, 22-23.

25. James, Hopi History, 89-90.

26. Juanita Brooks, ed., "Journal of Thales H. Haskell," Utah Historical Quarterly 12 (January, April 1944): 94. Haskell's joumal chronicles his impressions of the second trip to the Hopi.

27. George A. Smith, Jr.'s father was the founder of St. George, Utah, counselor to Brigham Young, and son of John Smith (brother of Joseph Smith, Sr.). This apostle, George A. Smith, Sr., should not be confused with George Albert Smith, his grandson who became Church president in 1945.

28. Little, Hamblin, 70-80, detailed the trip, Smith's death, and the return trip to obtain the body. He quoted Hamblin's recollections of how depressing the events were, causing "me the most bitter reflections that I have ever experienced in my life."

29. Flake, Missionary Work, 26-27. In explaining why the body was left behind, the author noted that "the hostile Navahos were determined to have [Smith's] scalp, and to keep the body would endanger the rest of the party; to bury it would only mean that it would be dug up again and mutilated."

30. Ibid., 27-28.

31. James, Hopi History, 92-93.

32. Flake, Missionary Work, 28.

33. Little, Hamblin, 84.

34. Peterson, "Hopis and Mormons," 190-92.

35. A short summary of Navajo history is in Culture for Missionaries: Navajo (Provo: Brigham Young University Press, 1978), 5-12. For a more in-depth treatment of the Navajo Long Walk and history, see Ruth Underhill, The Navajos (Norman, Ok.: University of Oklahoma Press, 1956), 85-164.

36. Flake, Missionary Work, 32; Peterson, "Hopis and Mormons," 192; Spicer, Conquest, 221.

37. Ibid., 34.

38. Little, Hamblin, 100.

39. James H. McClintock, Mormon Settlement in Arizona (Phoenix: n.p., 1921), 74-80; Little, Hamblin, 103-10.

40. Little, Hamblin, 111-18.

41. Ibid., 116.

42. Ibid., 118-19; Flake, Missionary Work, 40n. The reports that 100 wagons made the trip are probably exaggerated.

43. Joseph Brinkerhoff, "A History of Tuba City," as cited in Flake, Missionary Work, 49.

44. Flake, Ibid., 43-44.

45. Ibid., 42.

46. James S. Brown, Giant of the Lord: Life of a Pioneer (Salt Lake City: Bookcroft, 1960), 467-70. Originally published in 1902, this autobiography, written by Brown late in his life, chronicles his missions to Arizona on pages 467-94.

47. Ibid., 456-57, 463, 466.

48. Ibid., 476.

49. Ibid., 477-49.

50. Ibid., 480-82.

51. Ibid.,; Flake, Missionary Work, 46. Flake added in 1963 that telling The Book of Mormon story to the Indians continues to be a major LDS proselyting activity.

52. Brown, Giant, 482-83.

53. Ibid., 483-85.

54. Ibid., 486.

55. Ibid., 488.

56. Ibid., 492.

57. Ibid., 492-94.

58. Ibid., 494.

59. Peterson, "Hopis and Mormons," 194.

60. Flake, Missionary Work, 38.

61. James, Hopi History, 94. James declared "Jacob Hamblin was by far the most influential of all the many missionaries who went to the Hopi country. [He was] a truly heroic figure."

62. Gibbons, Saint and Savage, 191-95.

63. Flake, Missionary Work, 51.

64. Flake, Missionary Work, "Joseph Brinkerhoff," 49.

65. Burke Johnson, "The Muddle of Moenkopi Wash: It Has Involved Indians, Spaniards, Mormons and Washington," Arizona Days and Ways (27 September 1964), 18.

66. Gibbons, Saint and Savage, 209; McClintock, Mormon Settlement, 160.

67. Flake, Missionary Work, 75-76.

68. Peterson, "Hopis and Mormons," 193.

69. Diary of Christensen, 17-19.

70. Ibid., 35. On page 19 of his diary, Christensen wrote that he "baptized 8 Gentiles and near 90 Lamanites."

71. Nagam, Transformations, 302-3. The author expressed the opinion of many non-LDS historians who analyzed the early Mormon efforts among the Hopi, commenting that "Mormon missionarization among the Hopi was entirely a failure." He attributed it to the "complete lack of institutionaiized modes of interaction" between the two groups.

72. See D&C 54:8.

73. Wilford Woodruff to Lot Smith, 17 April 1883, Lot Smith Letters (Tucson: University of Arizona Library), as cited in Peterson, "Hopis and Mormons," 192-93.

74. Diary of Christensen, 26.

75. One thing that helped Christensen and many other missionaries before and after him was a divine assurance that he doing the Lord' s will, and that someday all his efforts would be rewarded.

76. Flake, Mormon Missionaries, 48.

77. Edith Watson, "Tuba City," Arizona Highways 27 (August 1951): 4.

78. McClintock, Mormon Settlement, 158-59.

79. The Autobiography of Lydia Ann Nelson Brinkerhoff, 6, photocopy, BYU Library.

80. Diary of Christensen, 20. He wrote that the Mormons wanted to control the water because of problems sharing it with the Hopi; Nagam, Transformations 302-3, dwells on the property conflicts.

81. Charles Peterson, "'A Mighty Man Was Brother Lot, ': A Portrait of Lot Smith--Mormon Frontiersman," Western Historical Quarterly 1 (October 1970): 409,412-13.

82. Ibid., 413-14; L. Brinkerhoff, Autobiography, 7. She calls Lot Smith "a great friend of the Indians"; Brown, Giant, 478-79. Wrote that Smith was a bit defiant when he and Smith disagreed over the Mormon Arizona leadership in 1876.

83. Nagam, Transformations, 36, 302.

84. Diary of Christensen, 20, quotes a letter Christensen copied intohis journal before sending it to the U.S. Indian agent at Fort Defiance.

85. James, Hopi History, 100.

86. McClintock, Mormon Settlements, 160.

87. Brinkerhoff, Autobiography, 7. She recalled thirty years later that the government wanted their lands to build an Indian school; Coufiander, Fourth World, 227, quotes a Moenkopi Hopi in 1970 who believed that the Mormons were bought out in order to get a govemment school in Tuba.

88. McClintock, Mormon Settlement, 161; Nagata, Transformations, 34; See Brinkerhoff, Autobiography, 7. Misconceptions about the amount paid to the Mormons and divided among them do not seem well founder. Lydia Brinkerhoff and her husband received $9,000 for their property alone.

89. Brinkerhoff, Autobiography, 7.

90. Flake, Missionary Work, 81.

91. Peterson, "Hopis and Mormons," 193-94. Peterson comments that the area may have been settled by the Hopi soon without the Mormons, since the Navajo threat decreased after 1870.

92. Johnson, "The Muddle of Moenkopi Wash," 18.

93. James, Hopi History, 94.

94. Nagam, Transformations, 32; Flake, Hopi History, 48. Flake adds that a third factor in Mormon colonization in Tuba City was "the springs and fertile lands of the area [which] served to entice permanent settlers to Tuba City and Moenkopi to build homes and maintain a normal Mormon community."

95. Peterson, "Hopis and Navajos," 193-94.

96. Brinkerhoff, Autobiography, 6.

97. Ibid., 7.

98. Ibid., 6.

1. The following two sources provide excellent summaries of Elder Litfle's mission in Washington, D.C. and his contacts with Thomas L. Kane and leading adminstration officials in Washington: Richard Edmond Bennett, "Mormons at the Missouri: A History of the Latter-day Saints at Winter Quarters and at Kanesville, 1846-52--A Study in American Overland Trail Migration," Ph.D. diss., Wayne State University, 1984, 98-107; John F. Yurtinus, "A Ram in the Thicket: The Mormon Battalion in the Mexican War," Ph.D. diss., Brigham Young University, 1975, 21-36.

2. As cited in Dwight L. Clarke, Stephen Watts Kearny: Soldier of the West (Norman, Oklahoma: University of Oklahoma Press, 1961), 395.

3. As cited in Sergeant Daniel Tyler, A Concise History of the Mormon Battalion in the Mexican War (Salt Lake City: 1881 ), 113-14.

4. Yurtinus, "Ram in the Thicket," 34 1.

5. Phillip St. George Cooke, The Conquest of New Mexico and California (Oakland: Biobooks, 1952), 83.

6. Tyler, History of the Mormon Battalion, 254-55.

7. Cooke, Conquest of New Mexico and California, 146.

8. John F. Yurtinus, "Images of Early California: Mormon Battalion Soldiers --Reflections during the War with Mexico," Southern California Quarterly, 63(Spring 1981):34-36.

9. Ibid., 31.

10. Ibid., 34.

11. Ibid., 32.

12. Yurtinus, "A Ram in the Thicket," 610-11.

13. Ibid., 116-24.

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